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--- Thursday, December 23, 2004
For the Glory of Immanuel
This has been a tough fought year in a lot of respects, from a brutal election season that occupied most of 2004 to increasingly intense battles on crucial issues reflecting -- and affecting -- the moral fiber of this nation.
But at the end of the day (or the end of a year), the only thing that really matters is our relationship with the One whose intervention we celebrate during the holiday season. The birth that we glibly call the Christmas miracle represents a far more profound event than we have the capacity to understand. On that day, the God of the universe -- whose very breath brought the vast galaxies into existence -- wrapped Himself in human flesh to be held by the tender hands of one among His creation. Christ stepped down from the throne of Heaven in order to declare the final charge against sin and death and to reconcile mankind with the righteousness of the Father. O holy night, indeed.
And not only did God express the ultimate love through Christ's life and death, but He fulfilled the promises He had offered to His people from Adam and Eve on that evil would not stand, that a Redeemer was prepared to take the guilt of our transgression upon Himself. The Lord didn't just send anyone on that mission, but dispatched His right hand -- a very part of Himself -- as the only one who could step onto the altar as the unblemished sacrifice required to vanquish darkness.
Thus, aside from all the presents and songs and snowflakes, Christmas exposes the fullness of God's faithfulness and the immensity of His great glory. As Isaiah declares in anticipation of the coming Savior:
And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots:And the spirit of the LORD shall rest upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the LORD; And shall make him of quick understanding in the fear of the LORD: and he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes, neither reprove after the hearing of his ears: But with righteousness shall he judge the poor, and reprove with equity for the meek of the earth: and he shall smite the earth: with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked. And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. May you all enjoy a blessed Christmas.
--- Wednesday, December 22, 2004
Conservatives and Liberals Missing the Point?
In another entry in the dissection of the "values" discussion, Sojourners editor Jim Wallis argues that both sides are getting the debate wrong.
Right now, neither party gets the values question right. The Democrats seem uncomfortable with the language of faith and values, preferring in recent decades the secular approach of restricting such matters to the private sphere. But where would we be if Martin Luther King Jr. had kept his faith to himself? The separation of church and state does not require the segregation of moral language and values from public life. The Republicans are comfortable with the language of religion and values. But the GOP wants to narrow the focus to hot-button social issues it then uses as wedges in political campaigns, while ignoring or obstructing the application of such values where they would threaten its agenda.
We should welcome the discussion of "moral values." And I believe the values debate should be the future of American politics. But how narrowly or widely will values be defined and how partisan will the discussion be? Will the moral-values debate cut both ways in politics, challenging both the political left and the political right? Will values be used as wedges and weapons to divide and destroy us, or as bridges to bring us together -- to find common ground by moving to higher ground? Wallis has long admonished for the debate to shift away from the "polarizing" topics like abortion and same-sex marriage to focus on challenges like poverty. The problem, however, is that while nearly everyone could label himself "anti-poverty," there is no less contentious a forum on how to battle that struggle than there is in whether to overturn Roe v. Wade. As such, the poverty debate and similar issues -- broadly speaking -- cannot qualify as a moral issue in the same sense as other current points of contention.
But it's a more fundamental disagreement that creates the apparent divisiveness in cultural concerns. At root is a clash of ideologies that cannot compromise on small matters without conceding larger claims -- revolving namely around the foundational moral standard implied by a divine sovereign. Neither is either side going to ignore issues like abortion or stem-cell research because to do so would effectively forfeit the debate and radically alter social policy. Does this mean we are locked in a perpetual stalemate between two unbending worldviews? I hope not. And we certainly do need to have civil discussion in how to deal with both cultural issues and social concerns like poverty. But manipulating the language and trying to shove core differences under the rug will not avoid the civil war that is dictating the collective conscience of the nation.
Beginning to Look a Little Like Christmas
I could probably make a full-time job out of posting commentary about whether the Lord Jesus should have a role in the holiday that bears His title -- but I'll try to limit it to just a few more. As usual, Mark Steyn cuts through any sembleance of political correctness.
For US columnists, the end-of-year column bemoaning the fanatical efforts to expunge all Christmas traditions from public life has become an annual Christmas tradition in itself. This year, there's no shortage of contenders for silliest Santa suit. In one New Jersey school district, the annual trip to see Dickens's A Christmas Carol has been cancelled after threats of legal action. At another New Jersey school, the policy on not singing any songs mentioning God, Christ, angels, etc, has been expanded to prohibit instrumental performances of music that would mention God if any singers were around to sing the words. So you can't do Silent Night as a piano solo or Handel's Messiah even if you junk the hallelujahs....
Jesus, Mary and Joseph long ago got the heave-ho from the schoolhouse, but the great secular trinity of Santa, Rudolph and Frosty aren't faring much better. Frosty The Snowman and Jingle Bells are offensive to those of a non-Frosty or non-jingly persuasion: they're code for traditional notions of Christmas. The basic rule of thumb is: anything you enjoy singing will probably get you sued. At my little girl's school, the holiday concert is a mélange of multicultural dirges that are parcelled out entirely randomly: she seems to have got stuck with the H's - last year she wound up with a Hannukah song, this year she's landed some Hispanic thing; next year, no doubt, a traditional Hutu disembowelling chant. It would be offensive to inflict Deck the Halls or God Rest ye Merry Gentlemen on any hypothetical Hutu in attendance, but it's not offensive to inflict hot Hutu hits on bewildered moppets. Although it is as frustrating as ever to see Christmas become secularized, sanitized, and Santatized, there is some encouragement in the backlash against stripping the holiday season of all spiritual meaning. Yet this is one of those debates that we really shouldn't need to have. How absurd that "Merry Christmas" (or a generic alternative greeting) should become a political statement. Would that we could set aside the fierce battle over God's place in modern society for just a few weeks of "peace and good will toward men" in December -- but alas, every year seems less likely to produce such a universal rejoicing of the festival of Christ's Incarnation.
For as long as I've been around, the spiritual element in Christmas has had to compete with boughs of holly, toy commercials, and a right jolly old elf; but that is a far different (and less significant) threat than having the Nativity purged from public celebrations. And it seems that Christmas has grown more offensive over the years, in spite of any increase in commercialism. Of course, this is all just the holiday special for the debate that rages throughout the rest of the year in social issues like abortion and marriage and more explicitly in controversies like courthouse Ten Commandments monuments and creation-based science education.
So it shouldn't be a surprise, I suppose, that the traditions of Christmas cannot pass by without similar debate -- however inane some of the "controversies" may be. But we needn't let it diminish the rich blessings of God's grace, upon which we express humble gratitude in this special season.
Here are some other comments on the demystification of the holiday from The Weekly Standard, Kathleen Parker, Jonah Goldberg, John Leo, Agape Press, and Paul Weyrich.
--- Tuesday, December 21, 2004
Season's PC Greetings!
As occurs every Christmas season now, the debate over faith's role in society has spilled over into the celebration of the holiday. It's not a fundamentally different battle than is fought in other areas the rest of the year, but the tug-of-war over Nativity scenes and carols certainly makes the contention more conspicuous. There is a danger, of course, that a preoccupation with the secularizing of the holiday can chip away at the very real celebration and fellowship that we're trying to protect. Liberal columist E.J. Dionne has a fairly reasonable column to that effect.
The Christmas wars seem hotter this year. Listening to conservative talk shows and watching the lawsuits fly around, you'd think there's a conspiracy to block celebrations of the birth of Jesus Christ. Politicians who speak of "the holidays" instead of "Christmas" now face angry Christian protests. What's happening?...
Many of our fights over religious freedom pit those who fear government meddling with faith against those who worry that isolating government from religion interferes with its free exercise. That's the civilized version of the argument. The Christmas confrontations are particularly prickly because they come down to competing struggles for respect. Some Christians see the broader culture as unremittingly hostile to their faith and wonder why it's easier to celebrate Santa, Rudolph and the Grinch than to sing praise to Jesus, Mary and Joseph....
At the personal level: What in the world is "Christian" about insisting on saying "Merry Christmas" to a devout Jew or Hindu who might reasonably view the statement as a sign of disrespect? At the level of government: Is it really "Christian" for a religious majority to press its advantage over religious minorities, including nonbelievers? I can respect that perspective, though I think it still pushes the worship of Christ and celebration of His Incarnation to a solely private event, at the risk of "imposing" beliefs on someone. We needn't ostracize or punish those who do not participate, but the Christmas holiday is at root a national festival to rejoice in the perfect gift of God and the fulfillment of His promise to send a Savior.
The real problem isn't so much a few "Happy Holidays" greeting cards floating around as the deliberate silencing of the presence of Christ during this (and every other) season. Admittedly, this is a cultural issue more than a public policy one, but there is a clear attempt to marginalize any "religious" overtones from "Chrismukkah."
As David Limbaugh writes today:
We've seen the acceleration of attacks on Christmas throughout the nation...That Christians can't seek to influence the culture, politics or the public square without being of accused of trying to establish a theocracy is maddening. It is precisely because of this nation's Judeo-Christian roots that those of all faiths enjoy unparalleled religious liberty.
Secular leftists constantly recite the statistic that some 80 percent of Americans are Christian. And they proudly concede America's unmatched record on religious liberty. Yet they are blind to the conclusion that those two facts taken together constitute powerful evidence against their misplaced fear that Christians want to suppress the religious liberty of others or shut them out of the political process. Limbaugh suggests, rightly, that fear may be a factor in the left's distillation of the theistic worldview. But if there seems to be a near-hysterical defense of traditional Christian symbols, like those at Christmas, then it comes also from fear -- fear that our nation and culture may ultimately reject the God who has blessed us so.
I think much of the hype over the "anti-Christmas" debate has been manufactured, but that just makes some of the actual offenses seem even more absurd. Singing "O Holy Night" in a public-school chorus or rolling a Nativity scene through a city parade are not threats to religious freedom, and those who would claim to be "offended" by such a display are either hypersensitive or operating from a more extreme agenda. Respecting minority rights does not require the metamorphisis of Christmas into a generic celebration of nothing -- that will not transform Americans into more inclusive, tolerant people.
But as we fight to keep December 25 from being overtaken by empty festivities, let us not forget to stop and praise God for the glorious gift in whom we celebrate.
America Not Religious Enough?
A column in the San Francisco Chronicle from a retired priest continues the post-election analysis/reevaluation of the supposed radical right.
We waged war on teaching and practicing religion in the public schools on the flimsy grounds of separation of church and state and the First Amendment. But there can be no real separation of religion and society. The president, his Cabinet, the Congress and the courts are full of men and women who are members of churches and other religious institutions. Their decisions are influenced in some measure by their religious traditions. The president has made it abundantly clear he feels inspired by his higher power when he makes decisions. Like it or not, a huge number of U.S. citizens say they are members of some religion.
None of them wishes to have an established church like the state churches of England and Sweden, Denmark and Norway. The Founding Fathers went so far as to say there will be no establishment of religion. But nothing prohibits people from expressing their religious beliefs in public, both personally and politically. Yet liberals have said that there must be a separation of religion and society, that anything religious is construed as establishing religion. Thus, liberals in general are seen as anti-religion, and not just for insisting on separation of church and state.
A further trouble is that the worship of science and technology has replaced religion in the hearts of the intelligentsia. People put their faith in these areas in the hope that they will solve our problems. That is indeed an act of faith, as there can be no evidence that it is true. Unfortunately, the column then declares "literalistic" interpretations of Scripture to be a problematic result of society's departure from religion. "We now have more than two generations of religiously illiterate university graduates. The possibility of teaching high-school and college students critical thinking of the Bible, theology, ethics and religion in general has been lost to millions of students....The Christian conservatives filled the gap with literalistic opinions about what Scripture says, swallowed whole by intelligent but untutored believers."
This is a backhanded version of the same condescension that the author elsewhere seemed to rebuke. A seminary education is not required -- and can just as often be a distraction -- for discovering the deep truths of God's Word. Though plenty of Ph.D.'s and experienced scholars come to the same "untutored" interpretations.
However, the broader point is quite right that the insane abuse of the "separation of church and state" concept cannot be in the best interest of America. Not only does the nation fail to be well served by the purging of faith from the public arena, but such an exorcism would ultimately be detrimental to its moral fiber.
Tough Choices
A tragic story this week has exposed both the darkness in humanity and the uncomfortable implications of an abortion-permitting society. Rich Lowry notes how the "fetus" that was stolen from its brutally murdered mother gradually became a "baby" as the case unfolded.
During the coverage of the crime, the status of the Bobbie Jo Stinnett's unborn girl steadily changed. All at once on AOL News during the weekend, there were headlines tracking events in the case: "Woman Slain, Fetus Stolen"; "Woman Arrested, Baby Returned in Bizarre Murder"; "Infant in Good Health." Note how a "fetus" -- something for which American law and culture has very little respect -- was somehow instantly transformed into a "baby" and "infant" -- for which we have the highest respect. By what strange alchemy does that happen?...
Given that fetuses are routinely destroyed in America (and legally can be destroyed up to the point of delivery), it was odd to see such an uproar about the welfare of one. Indeed, it is tempting to say that from a pure legal point of view, Lisa Montgomery simply killed the wrong victim, taking the life of the mom instead of the fetus.
But that's not entirely true. Earlier this year Congress passed the Unborn Victims of Violence Act partly in reaction to the Peterson case, making it a crime to harm an unborn baby while assaulting the mother. Kate Michelman, president of NARAL, complained that President Bush is doing "everything in his power to restrict a woman's right to choose." Right to choose what? To have her baby harmed by an assailant? I've noticed the same squirming this week as reporters and editors try to figure out what to call this thing that was ripped from a Missouri woman's body. Nothing can take away from the awful and abhorrent nature of this crime, but it should ought to make us uneasy to be confronted with the minute distinction between an 8-month "fetus" and a newborn baby.
--- Monday, December 20, 2004
Faith in Ukraine
I've only casually been following the scandalous election fiasco in the Ukraine that has already seen a poisoned candidate and a scrapped, corrupt ballot. But Adrian Karatnycky has an interesting report in the Wall Street Journal on the spiritual components in the ordeal.
Mr. Yushchenko, who typically ends his speeches with "Glory to Ukraine, Glory to the Ukrainian People, and Glory to the Lord, Our God," is a devout Orthodox Christian from northeastern Ukraine who regularly takes confession and communion. His faith is reinforced by his American-born wife, Katya Chumachenko, who last week told the Chicago Tribune: "We're strong believers in God, and we strongly believe that God has a place for each one of us in this world, and that he has put us in this place for a reason."
Such sentiments echo the way that President Bush has spoken of his own faith. And like Mr. Bush, Mr. Yushchenko is careful to sound an ecumenical tone in his public remarks. At a Dec. 6 interfaith gathering, Mr. Yushchenko observed that "the spiritual harmony that rules among religious leaders on the platform is an image of the spiritual harmony present in Independence Square."...
The role of faith in Ukraine's Orange Revolution is hardly surprising. Religion has been on an upswing in Ukraine since the collapse of communism, not least among the young. While both candidates have sought to identify themselves with faith-based values, Mr. Yushchenko's emphasis on ethical principles, dignity and clean government is trumping Mr. Yanukovych's claims to piety and the outreach efforts of his Moscow-backed clerics.
Re: 2004: Year of the Culture War...
Beliefnet blogger Charlotte Hays adds another comment on Frank Rich's complaint that "[The Passion's] prurient and interminable wallow in the Crucifixion, to the point where Jesus' actual teachings become mere passing footnotes to the sumptuously depicted mutilation of his flesh..."
Says Charlotte:
Leaving aside Mr. Donohue (and how I wish we could), Mr. Rich has hit on something profound: It's not the hippie Jesus, the young carpenter with lots of neat things to say, that offends, but the Christ who suffered mutilation and died a horrible death in a cosmic drama that redeems us that is so offensive. It's always been this way, and Mr. Rich's recoil from the Christ who died is both modern and timeless. Indeed, the suggestion that the success of Mel Gibson's film stems not from a preoccupation with gory violence, but rather a recognition that such a gruesome execution was conducted in order to draw the people of the world out of the mire of Godlessness and immorality into which they had sunk. The Lord's teachings in the Gospels are profound, convicting, and unequivocally important. Their purpose was to complement the Scriptures and reveal more of the heart of God, but they could not offer salvation apart from the death, burial, and resurrection of their Teacher.
2004: Year of the Culture War...
Expect to see a lot of commentary in the next few weeks with some variation of that theme. Has the past year really ratcheted up the intensity in the battles over cultural issues? I'm not sure, but the spotlight on the presidential election certainly amplified both the debate and rhetoric. And Frank Rich centers on Mel Gibson's "The Passion of the Christ" as emblematic of the fundamentalist empire that struck back this year -- and to dismiss that empire's impact.
As we close the books on 2004, and not a moment too soon, it's clear that, as far as the culture goes, this year belonged to Mel Gibson's mammoth hit. Its prurient and interminable wallow in the Crucifixion, to the point where Jesus' actual teachings become mere passing footnotes to the sumptuously depicted mutilation of his flesh, is as representative of our time as "Godspell" was of terminal-stage hippiedom 30 years ago. The Gibson conflation of religion with violence reflects the universal order of the day — whether the verbal fisticuffs of the culture war within America, as exemplified by Mr. Donohue's rant on national television or, far more lethally, the savagery of the actual war that radical Islam brought to our doorstep on 9/11....
Yet if you watch the news and listen to certain politicians, especially since Election Day, you'll hear an ever-growing drumbeat that Christianity is under siege in America. Like Mr. Gibson, the international movie star who portrayed himself as a powerless martyr to a shadowy anti- Christian conspiracy in the run-up to the release of "The Passion," his fellow travelers on the right detect a sinister plot -- of secularists, "secular Jews" and "elites" -- out to destroy the religion followed by more than four out of every five Americans.
How can those in this country's overwhelming religious majority maintain that they are victims in a fiery battle with forces of darkness? It is certainly not about actual victimization. Christmas is as pervasive as it has ever been in America, where it wasn't even declared a federal holiday until after the Civil War. What's really going on here is yet another example of a post-Election-Day winner-takes-all power grab by the "moral values" brigade. As Mr. Gibson shrewdly contrived his own crucifixion all the way to the bank, trumping up nonexistent threats to his movie to hype it, so the creation of imagined enemies and exaggerated threats to Christianity by "moral values" mongers of the right has its own secular purpose. The idea is to intimidate and marginalize anyone who objects to their efforts to impose the most conservative of Christian dogma on public policy. If you're against their views, you don't have a differing opinion -- you're anti-Christian (even if you are a Christian). In one fell swoop, this column seems to both discount the "religious right" as a mere publicity stunt and compare it to the fanatical threat of Islamic terrorism. In either case, it attempts to marginalize the conservative Christian wing of the culture war.
Don't get me wrong -- I don't want to see this serious debate degrade into an "I'm the bigger victim" shouting match. The stakes are much to high for that. But neither can we pretend that there isn't an actual battle going on, largely over the place of God in the public square. Christians aren't being persecuted, but in many areas of academia, media, and government, the faith is being set aside -- and in some cases, shoved aside -- to clear the way for secular, "enlightened," or "tolerant" perspectives. This isn't, however, the result of a grand conspiracy. It's more the natural outworking of a worldview that shuns the spiritual, supernatural realm of the divine and the moral and personal implications that would accompany such a reality. And even though the majority of Americans profess Christianity, the naturalist worldview has great sway among a lot of them.
What this means in the culture war remains to be seen. But America must choose whether to adhere to God's moral standards or not. It's not just the NY Times columnists or even the legislators who can decide to set America on a Biblical course, it's the rest of the nation, too.

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