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--- Friday, January 28, 2005
'Haunting Significance'
This weekend represents an important juncture in the US engagement in Iraq that could radically redefine the strategy and meaning of the conflict for the new Iraqi government and its terrorist adversaries. No one can quite predict what direction the nation will go once its leadership is established. But regardless of the results, the future of the Middle East (and by extension, the US role there) will be changed. William F. Buckley calls Sunday an event of "haunting significance":
In Iraq, those who go to vote, especially in areas where the insurgents are active, are true democratic heroes. One observer said that it would be reasonable to anticipate 60 acts of terrorism on Sunday. Terrorists thrive on unpredictability. That is what gives them the great leverage they have. If we knew exactly where a terrorist would strike, the jeopardized could prepare for him, and vitiate or even abort his mission.
The other problem in Iraq reflects tribal divisions. If the Sunnis were to succeed in boycotting the election, that would be different from the failure to vote for fear of retaliation by the insurgents.
Whatever happens, it is a day of haunting significance. President Bush's statement on Thursday that of course the United States military would withdraw if the new government requested it to do so is the perfect frame for a genuinely democratic exercise.
You can't get, in Iraq, sophisticated demographics of a kind that will tell us how many failed to vote for fear of the insurgents, how many were motivated by tribal resentments. But one might hope that the European community would greet the events of Sunday with at least a measure of gratitude for what the United States has made possible. The significance of the moment is no doubt foreshadowed by the intensifying threats by terrorist holdouts seeking to deter Iraqi citizens from casting ballots in favor of their own government -- and indicating, in many ways, support for the US mission laying the groundwork for the election. I do pray that God's hand of protection will be on the Iraqis who vote this weekend -- for their own protection, of course, and because stability in the nation means our troops can return from a successful tour. And so that maybe, just maybe, they would see Him (and not Allah) and His glory in the US intervention.
Just Give an Inch
Writing at Christianity Today, Stan Guthrie notices, as I have, the recent calls for ideological "compromise" from those holding staunchly to moral values in policy.
While 45 million unborn children have been aborted since Roe v. Wade in 1973, there has been no talk from the left of compromise on common-sense restrictions such as parental notification, waiting periods, or a ban on grisly partial-birth abortions -- only endless assertions about a woman's right over her "own" body
On so-called gay marriage, where was the spirit of civility last year when the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts dictated to legislators that they had to legalize something that over 4,000 years of recorded human history had declined to do? Where is the restraint when gay-rights supporters threaten to overturn the federal Defense of Marriage Act (signed into law by none other than Bill Clinton)?
On the teaching of evolution, a school board in Cobb County, Georgia, agreed to paste a sticker into some science textbooks that would meet the concerns of some religiously motivated parents while allowing the Darwin's theory of origins to continue to be taught. The sticker says, "Evolution is a theory, not a fact....This material should be approached with an open mind, studied carefully, and critically considered." While this was a perfectly reasonable attempt at compromise, a federal district court judge ruled that the sticker is unconstitutional.
Sounds like these folks are just as "deeply religious" as are evangelicals and weekly churchgoers -- only they have a different religion. Indeed, as Guthrie points out, conservatives have allowed for quite a bit of compromise in major policy battles. The Partial Birth Abortion Ban and the Unborn Victims of Violence Acts, for example, were a far cry from what many of their proponents really wanted in abortion-restricting law. And it's no doubt that offers of compromise are necessary, lest the debates become entrenched in a political stalemate. But that compromise applies to legislation and not to principle, which must be where the real tension lies.
I do suspect that this appeal for ideological concessions will continue to be a discussion over the coming years, partly as a result of the "values" awakening in last year's election -- the idea being that if the middle ground in the debate can be shifted, then the conservative position will appear to be extreme and unyielding.
SpongeBob Controversy Is All Wet
A column in the St. Petersburg Times offers an interesting take on the stir created by Dr. James Dobson's SpongeBob Scandal.
It is something that draws an easy laugh, especially from journalists: a campaign condemning America's most beloved cartoon sponge.
But James Dobson's high-profile jabs against Nickelodeon's monster hit SpongeBob SquarePants are no laughing matter. They are, instead, a textbook example of how powerful evangelical conservatives send galvanizing messages to their faithful that sail over the heads of those who aren't supposed to get it....
Mainstream news outlets cracking jokes only help Dobson's cause, allowing conservative complaints about how the liberal media twist their words around....But Dobson's message can be amazingly effective in generating fear, convincing conservative parents they can't even place their children in front of kiddie channel Nickelodeon without exposing them to radical ideas. No one should forget how effectively fear sold the American public on war with Iraq and a president with a seriously low job approval rating.
These are seeds, once planted, that will pay off in future campaigns against media indecency and gay rights. And when Dobson's faithful turn out again to press their issues at the ballot box, mainstream media outlets will cluck their tongues and wonder how they once more missed the message. Clearly, this strange controversy has exposed a deep rift between the perspectives of conservatives -- some might say hyper-conservatives -- and the left, particularly within the media. Substantial airtime and a lot of column inches have been spent in the past several days ridiculing Dobson's accusations (or perceived accusations) against a goofy cartoon character. Right-wing lunatics unite, under the banner of squeezing the square-pantsed sponge.
But is it really so radical to suggest that cartoon celebrities might be used to further a moral or ideological perspective? This may not have been the best field on which to lay that battle, but it's not so crazy to think that animated characters are effective at communicating messages to children. And most of the time, those messages are positive (albeit simplistic) encouragement of heroism or friendship. And who would complain about that?
Thus, Dobson's remarks about this "tolerance" video presented an opportunity to paint his entire worldview as the fringe realm of right-wing fundamentalists. And a lot of commentators have taken full advantage. But the hyperventilating reaction to Dobson's complaint is every bit as fascinating as the complaint itself. And the reaction is just as nutty as they accuse Dobson of being, pressing on like a bunch of finger-pointing schoolkids at recess -- "He called SpongeBob gay! I'm telling!" -- in spite of the repeated clarifications by Focus on the Family that the issue has nothing to do with SpongeBob.
Aside from discrediting Dr. Dobson and his ministry, this is certainly an attempt to drown out any real concerns brought up during this controversy, namely that a politically correct culture is seeking to blur the line between racial characteristics and lifestyle choices. As it is, I wish Dr. Dobson could have presented his case differently -- and I bet he would agree. But I don't think the issue is so outlandish as to deserve the collective ridicule and derision of liberal (and some conservative) pundits.
--- Thursday, January 27, 2005
Closing the Book on Creation
The heated debate continues over whether evolution should be the sole theory presented in science classrooms, and doesn't appear ready to let up any time soon. The Detroit Free Press editorializes that keeping creation in detention is the only means of upholding the separation of church and state doctrine.
The religious fundamentalists deriding a federal court ruling barring anti-evolution stickers on Georgia textbooks have it all wrong. Judge Clarence Cooper's decision neither denies God nor defends the theory of evolution. It's about one thing: living up to the U.S. Constitution.
That document's view on church and state is as clear now as the day the ink hit the paper. Church and state must be separate, as much today as ever, given the myriad ways issues of so-called morality are creeping into government affairs....
Public school classrooms were never intended to put forth the agendas of any religion, or even atheism. These are matters still best left to parents, who, under the same Constitution, are free to teach whatever they think their children should believe about God and evolution. Yes, the Constitution is explicitly clear on its view of church and state -- made especially clear by its disregard for the topic. The sole constitutional appeal in this debate comes from the First Amendment's prohibition to Congress from impeding the "free exercise" of religion or creating an "establishment of religion" on its own. Highlighting the questions inherent in a prominent theory of science does not seem in any way to violate those First Amendment guarantees. I'm don't particularly think that the "warning-label" textbook stickers present the best means of approaching the issue, but it hardly commands the persistent cries of a pending church-state.
What does seem to be especially incompatible with the spirit of the Constitution, however, is the full-scale proselytizing of evolutionary theory that takes place in public-school science classes. A theory, no less, that more than half of the American people do not believe to have the ultimate answers for the origin of life.
Hearts, Minds, and Laws
Ann Coulter also weighs in on the shifting abortion debate, suggesting that America's heart may be convinced that unborn life is worth protecting, but the laws still need work.
The "changing hearts" portion of the abortion debate is over. ATTENTION, PASSENGERS: We're now entering the "minds" portion of the "hearts and minds" journey on abortion. We've been talking about abortion for 32 years. All the hearts that can be changed have been changed. By some estimates, 35 million human hearts (and counting) have been "changed" by abortion....
Until Roe is overturned, telling pro-lifers they need to be "changing hearts" is like telling the New England Patriots they need to practice more -- while never, ever letting them play in the Super Bowl. We've been changing hearts for 32 years -– I think we're ready for the big match now. I think Americans would support massive restrictions on abortion. And NARAL agrees with me! How about it, liberals? Prove me wrong! Let Americans vote. No question that pro-abortion groups are on the defensive in this debate and clinching tightly to the statutes and court decisions that are keeping abortion legal. And if put to the democratic process, the practice would likely be restricted in large measure.
Still, the public policy fight cannot completely usurp the battle for hearts, if for no other reason than abortion advocates will necessarily seek to persuade the culture to place a higher value on a woman's right to rid herself of the burden of a baby than of the baby itself.
Rejoice for Choice
George Neumayr doesn't buy Hillary Clinton's sudden effort to become a pro-life icon, but he points out how the reaction to her stance sheds light on the more disturbing ideology of abortion's staunchest advocates.
Hillary Clinton's idea of an overture to pro-life groups is to blame those who oppose abortion for its spread. This line of reasoning is comically convoluted, but Hillary Clinton has been trying it out anyway, saying President Bush is responsible for the rise in abortion in some states because he won't fund her favorite prophylactic programs.
But even in extending a thorn branch to pro-life groups, Hillary Clinton draws gasps, head shaking, and troubled silence from pro-abortion activists. So reported the press after she said earlier in the week that "We can all recognize that abortion in many ways represents a sad, even tragic, choice to many, many women." Notice that she didn't say it is a tragic choice for the aborted babies, only for the women who get abortions....
The "I Had An Abortion" T-shirts Planned Parenthood sold online last year were an attempt to "demystify and destigmatize it," said a spokesman for the group. The strategy here is to normalize abortion, make it so commonplace that no one will think to question it. If you can talk happily and casually about your abortions -- as Barbara Ehrenreich did in the New York Times last year in a piece titled "Owning Up to Abortion" -- then how bad can the practice be?
Understanding this psychology, Alexander Sanger, the grandson of Planned Parenthood founder Margaret Sanger, has been emphasizing that abortion advocates should go beyond "choice" -- an insipid, evasive rhetoric, he thinks -- and celebrate abortion unapologetically. After all, he says, the unborn child is an interloper who deserves death. "The unborn child is not just an innocent life," he writes, but a "liability, a threat, and a danger to the mother and to the other members of the family." Fortunately, most of America doesn't view abortion quite so lackadaisically. And as long the public views abortion as a "tragic choice," it's questionable morality won't be far behind. So erasing the stigma of that choice will undoubtedly be the strategy of its defenders, lest the nation begins to have second thoughts about discarding unborn life. If that strategy works, then it truly would be tragic.
--- Wednesday, January 26, 2005
Defining Christian Politics
One of the consequences of the emphasis on values and Christian conservatism during the past several months -- particularly regarding the election and marriage debate -- seems to be an influx of commentary from the so-called religious left advocating the emphasis on other "values" issues such as poverty and the environment. Conservatives must not own exclusive rights to the application of faith in policy, they assert, lest the debates over morality overshadow social justic concerns. A column in the Daytona Beach News-Journal typifies this increasing debate:
The conservative mood, exemplified so vocally and vociferously by the religious right, has no such difficulty, validated by their perception of Biblical support and buoyed by a message that plays to a deep-seated sense of pious entitlement. By co-opting religion into the political sphere, they have, for all intents and purposes, assumed a self-imagined moral higher ground, from which all manner of social, environmental and ethical damage can be justified.
A wholly secular opposition to this way of thinking, long advocated on separation of church and state grounds by those on the left, including believers, has been predictably ineffective, while more half-truths, misinformation and ignorance gain the solidity of dogma. It is, therefore, incumbent upon the too often complacent religious left to serve notice that the fight has been joined. Religion in general, and Christianity in particular, are not the sole province of a conservative, jingoistic electorate.
Biblical authority seems a good place to join the debate, since religious conservatives are quick to use scripture to validate their position, perhaps rightfully so. But arguments of a literal versus allegorical interpretation aside (another debate), even a casual reading of the New Testament Gospels, which narratively describe the ministry and message of Jesus, paint a clear picture of a radical teacher who intentionally turned the religious and social thinking of his day upside down, a teacher whose primary advocacy was for the poor, the marginalized and the cast aside, and, as a result, was executed by religious conservatives. His disciples and followers were told to give away their possessions; their community was, by definition, socialistic. I don't think it's necessarily a bad thing that such a discussion is beginning over the place of faith in policy and the public square. A plethora of important issues affect the American (and world) society, and approaching them with the acknowledgment of God's sovereignty would be a solid foundation from which to build.
But it's important to recognize that concepts such as poverty are not controversial in and of themselves. Most people -- and certainly most Christians -- hold compassion for those who are lacking food, clothing, or shelter. This does not mean that the government should the primary source of resolving such needs. Certainly, Jesus never advocated for governmental reform in giving aid to the poor. Some may argue that issues like abortion and marriage should similarly be left to private resolution. Yet a society cannot survive if it has no central bases for morality and ethics.
However, the tug-of-war over the faith "high ground" may ultimately be as much a theological dispute as a political one.
There is no question that the ministry of Christ and His followers was -- and always has been -- a revolutionary and life-altering message. But the mission of Jesus and the purpose of the Gospels were not to enact a social program. Christ was not executed for His teachings about caring for the poor and extending undeserved forgiveness to our fellow man. The Lord was killed because He claimed to be the single source of eternal salvation for humanity -- He claimed to be God Himself.
The Lordship of Christ probably cannot be directly applied to policy discussions, yet we must allow every thought and every belief to be filtered through the prism of our Savior. Yes, that means extending the hand of compassion to our fellow citizens, but it also means defending the sanctity of God's gifts of life and marriage and fervently protecting a culture enveloped by His presence.
No Terror-Free Lunch
Though there has been apparent headway toward a ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian terror groups, such progress sadly doesn't sound forthcoming. From the Jerusalem Post:
Ending days of speculation about whether they had agreed to a cease-fire with Israel, Hamas and Islamic Jihad on Tuesday denied that they would halt terrorist attacks "without making Israel pay a price."
Hamas leader, Khaled Mashaal, the Syria-based head of the movement's political bureau, said there would be no discussion of a truce before the Palestinians test Israel's intentions and receive assurances from the international community that Israel would halt its attacks on the Palestinians.
He described the recent talks between Hamas officials in the Gaza Strip and Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas as "positive."
"We agreed that the message that we should send to the international community is that the Palestinian resistance is not the problem, but it is Israel's aggression," he said. "We also agreed that our message to the Zionist enemy is that there would be no solution unless the occupation ends." These don't sound like giant leaps toward peace. A huge wish list of absurd conditions for a truce seems only like an entrapment to make Israel look like the sole obstacle to ending the attacks. But this is the game we played for years under Yasser Arafat. I dearly hope Hamas and their ilk end terrorist attacks against civilians -- but I'll believe it when I see it.
Cartoon Controversy
Are cartoons the latest tool for pushing homosexuality into the mainstream? PBS has apparently produced an animated program with a rabbit traveling to Vermont and meeting homosexual couples, prompting complaints from the new Education Secretary. From Fox News:
A PBS spokesman said late Tuesday that the nonprofit network has decided not to distribute the episode, called "Sugartime!," to its 349 stations. She said the Education Department's objections were not a factor in that decision.
"Ultimately, our decision was based on the fact that we recognize this is a sensitive issue, and we wanted to make sure that parents had an opportunity to introduce this subject to their children in their own time," said Lea Sloan, vice president of media relations at PBS.
However, the Boston public television station that produces the show, WGBH, does plan to make the "Sugartime!" episode available to other stations. WGBH also plans to air the episode on March 23, Sloan said. Meanwhile, SpongeBob Squarepants and friends have been caught in a controversy after Dr. James Dobson and friends criticized a video created with the cartoon characters promoting "tolerance" and "inclusiveness" and "diversity." The controversy, however, doesn't seem to stem so much from that criticism as from the liberal assault on Dobson for picking on poor SpongeBob.
After being portrayed as fringe crazies chasing after a harmless cartoon character, Focus on the Family is on the defensive. Yet as Focus points out, it's not a cartoon character that's under fire, but a subtle attempt to break down moral barriers in young people. Yes, the video in question probably seeks to remove racial and other barriers as well, which is fine and good, but the message that sneaks through is that everybody who is "different" is okay -- and everything they do is okay, too.
Perhaps the PBS cartoon is a more blatant example of this, but the themes aren't all that different. And meshing racial differences with lifestyle differences instills nothing in a child except the idea that moral choices cannot be judged as right or wrong.
Is it overblown to attack a video about "diversity"? Maybe, but our children's minds and hearts are being molded by everything they see and hear, and Mom and Dad don't need to compete with SpongeBob for the truth.
--- Tuesday, January 25, 2005
Roe Becoming a Relic?
The Washington Times editorializes that the abortion issue was far from decided by the Roe v. Wade decision 30-plus years ago.
If anything, Roe succeeded only in forming a coalition of otherwise politically disinterested voters that has significantly strengthened the Republican Party. For Democrats, Roe has become a political liability: If they aren't sufficiently pro-Roe, their base will ignore them; yet if they are, they cannot hope to make inroads into red states. This has led to the untenable and absurd position held by many Democrats (and a few blue-state Republicans), who say that they are personally against abortion, but in favor of Roe....
One justice retirement is always a big political event, but with a potential of four during Mr. Bush's second term, the pro-life marchers had an extra reason to be excited yesterday. Far from ever being "settled," they know, as do the pro-choicers, that Roe was never more in doubt. Indeed, I don't think it's a huge secret that the most adamant supporters of abortion are not so sure that Roe is going to survive the Bush administration (which they lambaste as being inimical to the "rights" and well being of women). Thus their opposition to limititations on even the most appalling outworkings of legal abortion. But what cannot be lost in the political scuffle are the infinitely more important matters of protecting unborn children and being a source of love and support to their mothers.
The Future of Virtues
Star Parker notes how changing cultural dynamics can have extensive effects on the daily life of society.
The traditional family -- with marriage, work, and children -- has always provided an effective framework to deal with the challenges our policy wonks are now trying to solve with social engineering. Parents raising children and then children helping their elderly parents is a model that has always worked well. It's a program that doesn't need computers. It just requires caring.
Demographics reflect symptoms -- they don't explain causes. Our crises in Social Security and Medicare are the result of the socially engineered "do your own thing" society.
Of course, we need a free society and we need an "ownership" society. But families provide the social basis of these arrangements.
Families are built on caring, love, and respect for the sanctity of life. If we give it some thought, I think we'll conclude that these values provide a far better basis on which to build our future than "the right to privacy." Technology, policy, and economy certainly play a substantial role in shaping the norms in the culture and the traditions that will carry on into the future. But as I am prone to repeat, the most significant variable in determining our conclusions on cultural issues is the collective worldview that the nation espouses -- whether it will be one that acknowledges or rejects the existence and providence of a holy God.
We must not assume, however, that our enlightened modernity inevitably leads to a humanistic view of culture. No amount of progress can liberate humanity from the need for moral and social boundaries.
Hillary's Call for Compromise
Even Hillary Clinton may be taking a softer stand in her support for abortion, offering an olive branch of sorts to those firmly planted on the other side of the aisle. From the NY Times:
Mrs. Clinton, in a speech to about 1,000 abortion rights supporters at the state Capitol, firmly restated her support for the Supreme Court ruling that legalized abortion nationwide, Roe v. Wade. But then she quickly shifted gears, offering warm words to opponents of abortion -- particularly members of religious groups -- asserting that there was "common ground" to be found after three decades of emotional and political warfare over abortion.
Mrs. Clinton is widely seen as a possible candidate for the party's presidential nomination in 2008, and her remarks signaled that she could be recalibrating her strong identification with the abortion-rights movement as the Democratic Party engages in its own re-examination of its handling of the issue in the wake of Senator John Kerry's loss in the 2004 presidential race.
Ms. Clinton has been a visible and very public defender of abortion rights, appearing at a huge rally in Washington last spring and denouncing what she called Republican efforts to demonize the abortion rights movement.
While she acknowledged in her address today that Americans have "deeply held differences" over abortion rights, Mrs. Clinton told the annual conference of the Family Planning Advocates of New York State, "I for one respect those who believe with all their heart and conscience that there are no circumstances under which abortion should be available." Is the culture really shifting so much that Mrs. Clinton feels the need to take a more conservative position on these social issues? One can only hope. Certainly, Clinton isn't the only one advocating for some kind of compromise. I wonder, though, what such a truce would look like -- Clinton's vague suggestion that opposing viewpoints on abortion could find "common ground" offers very little in detailing how it might be attained. That the senator voted against the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act does not speak well to her idea of compromise.
--- Monday, January 24, 2005
Marriage Amendment Take 2
Colorado Senator Wayne Allard has brought the federal marriage amendment back to the Senate. From the Washington Times:
Allard unsuccessfully sought an amendment to the U.S. Constitution defining marriage as the union of one man and one woman in 2004. Since then, 11 states passed their own versions of a same-sex marriage ban.
"We think we have more support this time than we had last time around," Allard told the Rocky Mountain News.
This Land Is Whose Land?
William Raspberry views a deeply committed faith as a growing hindrance to political compromise.
On matters such as Social Security, taxes and tort reform, compromise is quite possible -- perhaps inevitable. We may even achieve a degree of unity on the anguishing question of Iraq, since, absent the development of a serious get-out-of-Iraq-now campaign, nobody seems to have a particularly attractive alternative to the administration's approach.
What, in my view, threatens to test the American tradition of working things out are issues closely tied to religious faith: abortion, homosexual marriage, the teaching of evolution....we may all agree that "working things out" is the right thing to do when it comes to secular disagreements. But as many deeply religious Americans see it, compromise between righteousness and sin is: sin.
That's fine when it comes to personal behavior. But it could spell serious discord when extended to legislation or government policy. The two points in this article seem to be that 1) religion should never be used as a basis for public policy and 2) religious fervor stifles open-mindedness and compromise in policy disputes. Both points obviously have merit to some degree. Certainly, there is a most limited extent to which we can reasonably enshrine a belief system as law, and pushing that line risks alienating and disorienting sections of the population who hold contrary beliefs.
On the other hand, a culture must align itself with a worldview -- and matters of policy are going to ultimately reflect that worldview. And the question America must ask itself is, Are we going to head into the future as nation grounded in reverence of the Almighty, or will we shed His imposition and appeal to secularism and postmodernism as our foundational values?
Unquestionably, the society will continue to be represented by adherents to both theistic and atheistic philosophies. But compromise can only carry us so far. Sure, on many economic and foreign policy debates, liberals and conservatives can meet at a satisfactory middle ground. Issues like abortion and marriage, however, strike at the core of our moral foundations and cannot be decided without a wave of consequence crashing down on the culture -- for better or worse.
Does this mean we are entrenched in a never ending clash of worldviews, with neither side willing to budge? Perhaps. But let us not think that solving singular political battles can lead to resolution. American society must answer the larger questions of whom or what we are going to follow, and our laws will be written accordingly.
Roe the Vote Ashore
National Review presents a roundup of thoughts on today's March for Life, in which tens of thousands are enduring a frigid day in Washington to voice the defense of unborn life and opposition to the Roe v. Wade decision whose anniversary took place over the weekend.
Michael Novak says:
The Supreme Court wants us to believe that they have settled a matter they have no power nor right to settle, that they have created precedents, and generated behaviors and commitments which compromise millions and many will therefore want in self-interest to defend, and that slowly their decision of 1973 will pacify the public thoroughly.
But they have overstepped their powers. They have practiced government without the consent of the governed. They have usurped the role of the legislature.
We have no procedure for making our consciences effective within the law, short of marches and protests and a constant series of elections -- defeating those who would kill the unborn by choice, and bringing in new champions of the inalienable right to life and to defend the otherwise defenseless.
The moral position of the other side is more and more visibly untenable. Today's march won't, of course, receive the coverage or attention as last April's "March for Women's Lives." But the issue is hardly decided. And I would contend that no real spiritual awakening can take place in America until abortion is exposed as the ugly plight that it is. That nearly all reports of the "March for Life" declare it a gathering of "abortion opponents" or "anti-abortion activists" tells us that this is an uphill battle for the conscience of America. Yet life is far too delicate to be tampered with or discarded in the name of so-called rights.
Supreme Court Stays Out of Terri's Fight
The US Supreme Court declined to hear arguments in the Florida law crafted to save Terri Schiavo, a case that I suggested could have far-reaching cultural ramifications. From the AP:
The case was one of two right-to-die appeals pending at the high court. Justices are expected to decide in the next month whether to consider a Bush administration request to block the nation's only law allowing doctors to help terminally ill patients die more quickly. Oregon voters passed that law in 1998.
At issue Monday was "Terri's Law," which the Florida Supreme Court ruled unanimously was an unconstitutional effort to override court rulings.
The 41-year-old Schiavo suffered brain damage in 1990 when her heart temporarily stopped beating because of an eating disorder. In 2001, her parents lost an emergency Supreme Court appeal seeking to keep her feeding tube in place, but more appeals followed.
Florida judges will now decide, after the Supreme Court's action, what happens next in the case. If this woman is allowed to be killed, it will be a dark stain on an already dimmed cultural conscience. Aside from the questionable morality of "assisted suicide" in general, the Schiavo case holds insurrmountable doubt that Terri would have ever supported a decision to take away her feeding tube. In the light of these questions, if nothing else, it should be a no-brainer that the hospitals, the family, and the courts should err on the side of keeping her alive as long as possible.

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