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--- Wednesday, July 27, 2005
Nothing But al-Haqeeqa
In its ongoing crusade to purge any reverence of God from American courthouses, the ACLU in North Carolina has filed suit to allow witnesses to swear in on holy books besides the Christian Bible. North Carolina judges have defended the traditional use of the Bible, but the ACLU argues that the Quran, or other sources, ought to be accepted as valid for taking a court oath.
When witnesses are sworn in, the religious texts of non-Christian faiths should be allowed in North Carolina courts along with the Bible, the ACLU argued in lawsuit filed against the state Tuesday.
Denying the use of other religious texts would violate the Constitution by favoring Christianity over religions, the American Civil Liberties Union of North Carolina said in its lawsuit.
State law allows witnesses preparing to testify in court to take their oath either by laying a hand over a "Holy Scripture," by saying "so help me God" without the use of a religious book, or by using no religious symbols.
"We hope that the court will issue a ruling that the phrase 'holy scripture' includes the Quran, Old Testament and Bhagavad-Gita in addition to the Christian Bible," said Jennifer Rudinger, executive director of the ACLU of North Carolina. I suppose it is a natural progression of the growing cultural emphasis on pluralism and inclusiveness. And as such, it may ultimately be difficult to deny witnesses of other religions (or no religion) from taking their oaths with a hand on a book besides the Scripture. When the acknowledgement of God in public society is under constant assault, such a vestige as traditional courtroom proceedings was inevitably to be scrutinized.
Yet, as most references to God in the public square, courtroom oaths have never been contingent upon the faith -- or lack thereof -- of participants, but rather on the submission of a nation to the Almighty. One swears to be truthful in a courtroom as a deference to the laws of a nation and its God, not necessarily by his personal feelings or beliefs. Perhaps this is a symbolic measure as much as anything, but it is an extremely important symbol, binding America's courts in the sphere of truth and justice ultimately demanded by the Creator. A Muslim swearing by the Quran may not be required by his faith to hold the same standards of straightforward truthfulness, and an atheist has no unchanging standard upon which to offer an oath.
Thus, as long as America is "under God," the nation whose flag we pledge allegiance to should continue to demand that those in its legal system swear by the standard of Jehovah.
Don't Spit on Mitt
Boston is aflutter this week with the apparent flip-flop of Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney on a rather heated issue. The Boston Globe editorializes:
'I RESPECT and will protect a woman's right to choose....Women should be free to choose based on their own beliefs, not mine and not the government's."
That was Mitt Romney in April 2002, then a candidate for governor, responding to a questionnaire from the Massachusetts affiliate of the abortion rights group NARAL.
Today, Romney says ''abortion is the wrong choice" and ''wishes that the laws of our nation could reflect that view."
Romney has tried to present his legalistic explanation for vetoing the bill expanding access to emergency contraception -- that he had pledged not to alter the state's abortion laws -- as part of a consistent philosophy. But the inconsistencies are blinding. The govenor's supposed change of position was revealed as he made a determined veto of a bill meant to expand access to so-called "emergency contraception," which, Romney argued, may result in an abortion rather than contraception.
Pundits seem fairly unanimous that Romney's sudden realization of the tragedy that is abortion is a strategic move to prepare for a presidential run in 2008. Indeed, his op-ed explaining his veto reads more like a broad policy statement on the abortion issue. But I hope his stance is heartfelt, because the governor of liberal Massachusetts has been an articulate defender of marriage, which came under attack in his state, and he seems now prepared to be a well spoken apologist on behalf of a culture of life.
--- Tuesday, July 26, 2005
Frequently Asked Questions
Conservative David Limbaugh and liberal Thomas Oliphant suggest that Supreme Court nominee John Roberts should reveal his views on controversial cases and issues so that the American people can get a genuine glimpse of his judicial philosophy. Limbaugh writes:
I realize that we're treading on delicate ground here. These issues, if not presently before the Court, inevitably will be in one form or another in the near future, and we don't want judges or judges in waiting to prejudge specific cases. But I would err on the side of trying to discover a nominee's judicial philosophy, being careful not to have him opine on specific cases.
After all, revealing a nominee's philosophy regarding these issues does not necessarily answer, conclusively, how he would rule in the context of a specific case before him, considering the many variables that might be involved.
I think we must try to find out in advance whether Supreme Court nominees believe they will sit as part of a superlegislature or as a passive, albeit usually final, arbiter. I think Limbaugh may be on the right track here, and I would welcome Roberts not hiding from difficult questions in his confirmation hearing. While it is perhaps not vital how strongly a nominee feels about an issue like abortion, it is absolutely critical that the future Supreme Court finds restraint and knows where its role ends -- sometimes when personal feelings are conflicted. However, if a Court appointment is not willing to overturn decisions like Roe v. Wade (among others), I would have to find his or her understanding of the Constitution suspect.
Oliphant, on the other hand, wants to expose any radical "antichoice" views that Roberts may be concealing, noting that anyone willing to overturn Roe shouldn't be allowed near a gavel.
With Roberts in his honeymoon phase on Capitol Hill, this behind-the-scenes Bushie activity suggests three obligations for those senators who support choice. One is to press for all records of Judge Roberts's work in the solicitor general's office during Bush I, including his assistance in writing and then signing a brief to the Supreme Court calling for the overturning of Roe itself. To the general public the White House portrays the judge as a lawyer advocating for his client; to its conservative friends, the White House is saying that he believed in his work. Let's find the truth.
The second is to question him for his views on the bedrock of Roe's foundation -- a right to privacy. Any sign of dissent would be grounds for a filibuster.
But the most important obligation is to secure abortion rights through political work. In the end, the courts never provide enough protection for constitutional rights if voters are not asked to support them. Now, to be sure, abortion and Roe v. Wade are hardly the only issues at stake in the restructuring of the Court, but few debates are as contentious -- and, I would argue, few are more symbolic in determining a justice's legal philosophy.
The fact that the "bedrock of Roe's foundation" is, as Oliphant proposes, a "right" found not in the Constitution but in, surprise, another Supreme Court decision, does not speak highly of the firmness of that foundation. This was a policy created and enshrined by the Court, usurping the will of the US Congress, many state governments, and the voting populace. Something needs to be fixed, and I hope that John Roberts will offer some much needed sanity.
--- Friday, July 22, 2005
In Gaia We Trust
Tony Snow outlines an ecumenical gathering of liberals intent on recapturing some of the spiritual debate in politics. But, Snow notes, God may get lost in the shuffle.
The organizers don't believe in a God who is greater than they are. They figure such faith is for suckers and hicks, whom they hope to woo from the pews by means of alluring promises of life without stress, woe or college-tuition payments. The Creator (or, as they call him, the Left God) plays a pivotal role by serving as the frontman for everything from government-paid sabbaticals for everybody to a "new militancy" in the labor movement.
The Lerner-Wallis brigades, evidently believing the term "red state" refers to Leninist strongholds, want Christians, Jews and Muslims to capitulate -- ignore the holy books, surrender devotion to an almighty God, dispense with charities and ministries of small deeds and join "progressive" forces obsessed with military surrender and condom distribution.
Personal responsibility? Forget about it. Sin and salvation? You must be kidding. This is a conference for a world devoid of conscience but drenched in condescension -- the kind of thing doomed to failure because its votaries will never understand that apostasy is not "progressive" -- and that Uncle Sam and God are not one and the same. One thing religion cannot become is generic. If an appeal to "interfaith" spiritualism is meant to unify American politics, all faiths will necessarily be relegated to an irrelevant, merely personal experience. It's not that multiple religions cannot reasonably and peacefully coexist in the United States -- they have and should. But neither can we pretend that all worldviews are the same and lead to policy compatible with every point of view. The nation's laws and culture must be founded upon an understanding of morality and ethics. If that system is secularlism, it will represent a dilution of all faiths, not a conglomeration.
Hate to Death
Writing in the New York Times, a social sciences professor claims that terrorists aren't quite sincere in claiming that their cause is justified by Western intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Conflicts in the Middle East have a tremendous impact on Muslim public opinion worldwide. In justifying its terrorist attacks by referring to Iraq, Al Qaeda is looking for popularity or at least legitimacy among Muslims. But many of the terrorist group's statements, actions and non-actions indicate that this is largely propaganda, and that Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine are hardly the motivating factors behind its global jihad....
Even their calls for the withdrawal of the European troops from Iraq ring false. After all, the Spanish police have foiled terrorist attempts in Madrid even since the government withdrew its forces. Western-based radicals strike where they are living, not where they are instructed to or where it will have the greatest political effect on behalf of their nominal causes.
The Western-based Islamic terrorists are not the militant vanguard of the Muslim community; they are a lost generation, unmoored from traditional societies and cultures, frustrated by a Western society that does not meet their expectations. And their vision of a global ummah is both a mirror of and a form of revenge against the globalization that has made them what they are. This smokescreen has, of course, been quite successful in shifting much world attention away from the much broader and deeper war that Islamic jihadists have declared against those whose ideologies stand athwart them. Even the mayor of London, with the cries of bomb victims still reverberating, was willing to concede the West's culpability for generating the terror threat. Not only does this marginalize the sheer, unconscionable evil of slaughtering innocent civilians, but it presumes that resistance -- rather than aggressive hatred -- results in the brutal terror of which the world is now witness.
Roberts and Roe: Fates Intertwined?
Whether it should be a source of concern for conservatives or liberals (or both), the future of Roe v. Wade is becoming inseparable from the nomination of Judge John Roberts to the US Supreme Court. All of a sudden, groups like NARAL have finally discovered concern about the overreaching power acquired by the Court in recent decades, seeing Judge Roberts as the beginning of the end of rights as we know them. A column by a law professor in the LA Times claims that Roberts' nomination threatens to shift the Court's jurisprudence on three of the major areas of debate: "Roe, rights, and religion."
Democrats knew that whoever was chosen to fill Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's seat on the Supreme Court was going to be conservative and that he would have the opportunity to change the balance of the court in three monumental areas: abortion, civil and political rights, and separation of church and state. What they might have thought was that they'd have a choice about which area of law they would have to sacrifice. But, with John G. Roberts Jr., it looks like they will lose on all three "Rs": Roe, rights and religion....One might have advised the Democrats to pick their poison with any of Bush's nominees. Roberts, however, does not seem to give them that chance. He is apt to undermine settled constitutional law with all three. "Settled constitutional law," of course, means Supreme Court decisions that we were happy about, irrespective of whether they had any actual basis in the Constitution. What is at stake in the restructuring of the Court, however, isn't so much the results of a few cases on a defined set of issues, but the underlying legal philosophy guiding the justices in every decision. The current Court has come under fire for wielding an unconstitutional power to make, rather than merely interpret, the law; for relying on the traditions and rulings of foreign governments; and for radically redefining and adding to the clear meaning of constitutional amendments.
I, for one, hope that Judge Roberts will reverse some of these disturbing trends and help bring a true balance of sanity and restraint back to America's highest court. Yet this does not, thus far, imply definitively how Roberts will rule on a given issue, including the one at the focal point of the cultural tug-of-war over his nomination. Edward Whelan at National Review suggests that Judge Roberts is not likely to rule in cases according to his own pro-life (or not) views, but rather according to an objective understanding of the Constitution.
Amidst all the speculation about John Roberts's views on abortion, I am certain that Roberts will not be a "pro-life" justice. Indeed, there is absolutely nothing in his record that would remotely support the misplaced hopes of some and fears of others on that point. To the limited extent that political labels can properly apply to judging, what all Americans should hope is that Roberts will prove to be a genuine moderate on abortion....John Roberts is, by all accounts, a man of deep intellect and high character who understands the proper role of the judiciary in our constitutional republic. There is therefore good reason to hope that he will be a genuine moderate who will not read his own policy views on abortion (whatever they are) into the Constitution but who will respect the constitutional authority of the people to govern their own states and communities on this and other issues of social policy. But yes, that ought to be enough to worry the ardent defenders of Roe v. Wade. Based purely on its legal merits, the Roe decision -- and even more so its jurisprudential offspring like Planned Parenthood v. Casey -- should be buried in the backyard never again to see the light of day.
Fighting the New World War
Victor Davis Hanson at National Review Online says that an almost half-century-old war against terrorism has spilled over into the heart of the West.
First the terrorists of the Middle East went after the Israelis. From 1967 we witnessed 40 years of bombers, child murdering, airline hijacking, suicide murdering, and gratuitous shooting. We in the West usually cried crocodile tears, and then came up with all sorts of reasons to allow such Middle Eastern killers a pass.
Yasser Arafat, replete with holster and rants at the U.N., had become a "moderate" and was thus free to steal millions of his good-behavior money. If Hamas got European cash, it would become reasonable, ostracize its "military wing," and cease its lynching and vigilantism.
When some tried to explain that Wars 1-3 (1947, 1956, 1967) had nothing to do with the West Bank, such bothersome details fell on deaf ears....
In any case, anti-Semitism, oil, fear of terrorism -- all that and more fooled us into believing that Israel’s problems were confined to Israel. So we ended up with a utopian Europe favoring a pre-modern, terrorist-run, Palestinian thugocracy over the liberal democracy in Israel. The Jews, it was thought, stirred up a hornet’s nest, and so let them get stung on their own....Then the Islamists declared war on the United States. A quarter century of mass murdering of Americans followed in Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, East Africa, the first effort to topple the World Trade Center, and the attack on the USS Cole. Hanson presents an interesting perspective on the tactics and motivation of the terrorist enemies who plague American and coalition soldiers in Iraq, Iraqi innocents, and citizens in Israel and, now, Britain. And as much as it may be useful to study the sociological and economical factors at play in developing a terrorist mindset, but much more prevalent, it seems, is a deep, ideological hatred against Jews, Christians, and the secular West (though secular society seems to have plenty of its own, nonviolent antagonism against the former groups). Thus, in addition to physical resistance and retaliation to those set out to destroy America, Israel, and others, the deception of a radical form of Islam must be countered by truth. I just hope we can remember what truth is, that we can recognize the light in the darkness.
--- Wednesday, July 20, 2005
The Cell's the Limit
Mona Charen argues that alternatives to embryonic stem-cell research deserve a fair hearing in order to preserve the morality of our good intentions.
Advocates of unrestricted embryo destruction make two principal arguments; first, that 400,000 embryos left over from fertility treatments are going to be thrown away anyway, and second, that an embryo is not a human being because it is extremely tiny.
As to the first argument, the RAND Law and Health Initiative examined the matter and found that while nearly 400,000 embryos remain frozen in fertility clinics around the nation, only about 11,000 of these have been designated for medical research. The vast majority are held for future family building. Of those 11,000, only about 65 percent would survive the thawing process, resulting in 7,334 embryos. Only about 25 percent of those would likely develop to the blastocyst stage, and even fewer would be able to produce stem cells. Honest proponents of embryonic research admit that cloning of embryos would probably be necessary to obtain the optimum number of stem cell lines.
As to the second objection: Is size morally relevant? Is a 21-year-old man three times as precious as a 7-year-old boy? We can barely see an embryo with the naked eye, yet, as Dr. Hurlbut points out, from the vantage point of space, no human is visible on the Earth's surface. He quotes philosopher and mathematician Blaise Pascal, who noted more than 300 years ago that "human existence is located between infinities -- between the infinitely large and the infinitely small." Pascal continued, "By space the universe encompasses and swallows me up like a dot -- by thought I encompass the universe." I'm not sure that the options being proposed are themselves completely free of controversy and moral questioning, but it seems clear enough that they deserve to be considered as a way to avoid the mass production of embryos for research, which is the logical extension of an expansion of such study. The mysteries and profound depth of human life, though, cannot be so callously disregarded, even at the distant possibility of discovering treatment for debilitating illnesses.
Smooth Sailing or Rough Waters for Court Pick?
Last night, President Bush announced his nomination of Judge John Roberts to be appointed a justice on the Supreme Court, a choice that seems to be receiving near universal adulation from conservative advocates -- and a mostly weak criticism from liberal warriors. National Review's Shannen W. Coffin says that the President could not have made a better selection.
The president is to be congratulated on nominating John Roberts to the Supreme Court. In the days to come, every manner of liberal interest group may seek to characterize aspects of Roberts’s record as a lawyer and judge as hostile to their particular political interest. He may be called anti-environmental, anti-abortion rights, anti-labor, etc., etc. But the special interests merely want a judge who is a sure vote for their agenda. Rather than thinking of John Roberts as an opponent of Liberal Activist Group A or B, think of him as a proponent of the rule of law.
If there is to be a fight, it will be a fight well worth waging. Our Constitution and our nation will be better off with John Roberts on the Court. With much still to be known about the philosophy of Judge Roberts, I'm not going to be too quick to cheer the return of sanity to the Supreme Court. But the signs thus far do suggest that the President has chosen a jurist who will defend common sense and the Constitution from the radical revisions that many recent Court opinions have produced.
Predicatably -- and perhaps reassuringly -- Planned Parenthood, NARAL, NOW, MoveOn.org, People for the American Way, and other liberal groups have expressed disdain for an "anti-choice," "right wing," "extremist" nominee. The rhetoric has been fairly (or at least relatively) tame thus far, however, so one supsects that the nomination battle may not be quite as heated as might have been expected. A civil process would be preferable, of course, though all sides unquestionably realize the cultural questions that are at stake.
Chaste U
A legislator in Uganda has come up with a novel approach to promote the values of both seeking higher education and avoiding promiscuity.
A Ugandan member of parliament has pledged to reward girls for their chastity by paying their university fees if they are virgins when they leave school, a local newspaper said on Wednesday....
"The criterion is that a student must be a virgin and from Kayunga district," he told the state-owned New Vision.
The MP did not extend his offer to young men.
He urged pupils to manage their lives responsibly, and called on parents to explain the threats from HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.
"Our children should be told the risks they face if involved in early and unprotected sex," Madada said. Perhaps such a strategy isn't the ideal means of instilling the values of purity in these young women, but it seems like a far better use of funds than dispensing an endless supply of condoms.
--- Tuesday, July 19, 2005
Cell Way or the High Way
Three medical professors, writing for the Washington Post, argue that the Senate should approve expanded funding for embryonic stem-cell research without allowing other alternative research methods to muddy the debate.
But it needs to be understood that most of the proposed alternatives are not restricted by a presidential executive order, although they may run afoul of other federal restrictions on research with human embryos. Interested scientists need only write a grant proposal and pass the scientific peer review process for technical merit to secure funding for the research. It is the president's executive order of Aug. 9, 2001, that is impeding research progress in bringing potential stem cell therapies to the clinic. That is why legislation to lift the federal limits on research with human embryonic stem cells should be passed.
We urge Congress to deal with this matter on its scientific merits without raising a laundry list of other speculative scientific approaches that serve only to confuse the issue. The treatment of otherwise intractable diseases can become a reality if we expand the number and quality of the stem cells that American scientists have to work with. I don't claim to be fully up to speed on the various other methods of extracting stem cells that have been suggested to the Senate. Yet to ask that they be ignored, on scientific merits, seems to be a bizarrely dogmatic attempt to press on with one form of research that itself has not been definitively proven to be effective in treating disease. Nor is it true that the President's 2001 order is the lone barrier to marching forward with embronic stem-cell study, which is being funded in a few states. While the President denied federal aid to much of the research, no nationwide law yet exists to prohibit private entities from investing in such experimentation.
But the reason that alternatives to embryonic stem-cell research should be encouraged and discussed is that biology is not the most important factor to consider in this debate. The morality of tampering with human life -- even at the embryonic level -- must be carefully weighed and treated with the utmost humility.
Violence to Faith, or By Faith?
A column in Britain's Observer suggests that Islam cannot ignore the violence perpetuated by its adherents -- nor can other religions deny their harboring of brutality.
Islam is a religion of peace and tolerance, but it is a religion of many other things, too. Compare the following two quotes from the Koran: 'There shall be no compulsion in religion' and: 'Slay the unbeliever ... wherever you find him.' Throughout its existence, Islam has evolved into a repository of a vast range of different resources, allowing its texts to be interpreted, sampled and deployed in myriad ways. When the Muslims were a persecuted minority in 7th-century Mecca, the stress lay on tolerance and pluralism....The very practical nature of Islam, a religion that enjoins the faithful to act in the world to change it, is also a boon to activists, good and bad, as does its emphasis on public demonstration of faith. The sight of rows of believers facing Mecca to answer the call to prayer often moves me, an atheist, deeply. Yet the Arabic word for martyr -- and currently suicide bomber -- comes from the same linguistic stem as the word for bearing witness....
Yet before we embark on a round of religious finger-pointing, we should note that all major faiths are the same. They can all offer help for different needs and agendas. Think of the muscular Christianity of imperialist, Victorian Britain (or, indeed, of contemporary America) or Hinduism's lunatic fringe. In Sri Lanka, even smiley, happy Buddhism has exacerbated one of the most vicious civil conflicts of our time. If "religion" is to mean anything, however, it is not good enough to suggest that the same worldview system can produce such contradictory conclusions among its followers. Indeed, nearly every set of beliefs has been claimed by maniacs who set out to destroy nations and lives -- it is difficult to imagine an individual or organization engaging in a violent crusade without some center of worship or focus (even if it is merely the self-worshipping pursuit of one's own desires).
Unquestionably, a purported faith in the divine -- whether the Christian or the Islamic God -- has both restrained and inflamed the violent impulses of some believers. Yet all faiths are not "the same," and each is built upon a fundamental worldview that answers the basic questions of life and death. Thus true adherence is not merely in the eye of the beholder, but demanded by the set of implications defined by a faith's tenets.
Whether theistic or atheistic, however, a worldview does not tend to hold a universal view of either peace or violence. In most belief systems, as we know, violent means can be justified -- most notably to counter other violence. Yet clearly the fanatical, indiscriminate slaughtering by terrorists is something different. And just as clearly, most Muslims would not advocate terrorism as a justifiable response to the proclamations of their faith. Perhaps it is too simplistic to suggest that either the "peaceful" or the "violent" form of Islam must represent the true heart of the religion. Ultimately, such a faith must be judged, not just on the actions of its believers, but on the underlying worldview that they are asked to accept, and the god they are asked to worship and obey. For if terrorists are able to find true justification for their deeds within their religion, then their faith becomes as dangerous as their actions.
--- Monday, July 18, 2005
Filling up Faith
A column in the Boston Globe seems to suggest that the study of space defends a naturalistic view of the origin of the universe while producing a faith-like awe of the cosmos.
The questions that are now creating controversy -- the teaching of evolution, the right to life, stem cell research -- have put science on the defensive as well as revealed an almost dangerous literalism that has infected certain religious communities. Genesis is less of a science text than even ''The Descent of Man" is a religious book, but we have read them both looking for answers into the other. But the science of space is a science that begins, like authentic religious feeling, in wonder and trembling. Astrophysics is the last best hope for science to bridge the cultural gap between science and faith.
As both a theist and a skeptic, a believer and a rationalist, I can appreciate the cultural tension currently at play. I have at times wanted my science to be speckled with religious sentiment, and my faith to be reasonable. Nevertheless, this conflict is resolved for me when I read about galaxies forming....
Even astronomers, in the public consciousness, are the last of the dreamy-eyed scientists, the ones who are still looking for the answers to our ancient questions, who don't ask how life evolves, but how life itself began. Astronomers appear more like reverent monks as they gaze heavenward than Frankenstein geneticists who seek to create the very life whose origin remains a mystery.
Both science and faith begin in wonder, but instead of sharing this sense of mystery, battle lines have been drawn. There can be peace when religion and science stop trying to answer each other's questions. The first truce can be found in the science of space, in the work of NASA.
I can only imagine that for politicians, true religious feelings are not stirred by cantankerous debates over cloning and intelligent design.It's when NASA has produced fireworks in space that echo the ancient sounds of billions of years through as many miles of space that a greater sense of awe and reverence take hold. The seemingly infinite expanse of space is certainly as fascinating as it is vast. Yet it is a profound leap of faith -- so to speak -- to conclude, based on our exploration of a tiny corner of one galaxy, that the mysteries of the universe represent such definitive apologists for naturalism.
What we know for sure about the universe is that it is unimaginably immense, and yet home to a small planet -- a speck of dust amidst the canvas of space -- that provides everything needed to sustain an abundance of life, which is itself an inconceivable miracle. Indeed, I would contend, space represents one of the greatest testimonies to the presence and power of Almighty God. "The heavens declare the glory of God," Psalmist David writes.
Yet the majesty of the universe, and whatever faith it may inspire, is by no means detached from the realities of science. To separate faith and science into distinct categories marginalizes both and sets up a worldview in which spiritual belief can brazenly contradict supposed physical truth.
--- Friday, July 15, 2005
Doing the Wave in the Pews
The Houston stadium once home to NBA world champions is now the gathering place for the largest church congregation in America, Lakewood Church.
Lakewood Church, led by televangelist and best-selling author Joel Osteen, has grown so much in recent years that this weekend it will expand into a new building: the former Compaq Center....It now seems fitting that "discover the champion in you" has long been the church's slogan.
"It all ties in together," Osteen says. "Many sports champions have been crowned there and we believe we can crown champions in life."
Lakewood, a non-denominational Christian church, recently became the first congregation in the country with an average weekly attendance of more than 30,000 for its services -- and had an average attendance of 32,500 in the first quarter of this year, said John Vaughan of Church Growth Today, an organization that studies megachurches, based in Bolivar, Mo. I've never been to Lakewood, nor read anything by Joel Osteen, but one gets the impression that it is not the power of Christ that compels followers to crowd in to this mega-mega-church, but rather the power of personal achievement and self-help. That might be enough to make church members feel better about themselves and their lives, but does it add anything toward finding an intimate, eternally saving relationship with the Creator of the universe? I won't judge too harshly in my limited knowledge of this ministry, but what is clear enough is that the purpose of church fellowship is not discovering the "champion in you," but instead discovering the One who is the Champion of the ages.
Slipping Away?
The US Senate has taken up the House-approved bill to expand funding for embryonic stem-cell research this week, reviving heated debate over the issue. Meanwhile, though, the governor of Illinois has taken matters into his own hands, unilaterally mandating $10 million to study stem cells. An Illinois newspaper editorializes:
Who needs a legislature when we have a governor who can ignore the majority of lawmakers and spend $10 million from a cash-strapped state on a project he personally declares "morally right"?
Gov. Rod Blagojevich's end run of the Legislature to commit $10 million for embryonic stem-cell research that the federal government won't cover was the ultimate in arrogance and it was ethically wrong.
Repeated attempts to provide grant money for such research has failed in legislative sessions for two years. One gets the feeling that this unproven, morally questionable form of medical research is going to be thrust upon the American public, like it or not. The Senate may discuss alternatives to programs that destroy embryos to obtain stem cells, but the debate currently on the floor will no doubt bombard us with another round of emotional appeals from sick citizens and celebrities -- whom we, indeed, feel nothing but utmost compassion. Yet such solidarity cannot provide justification for bending moral limits so as to become meaningless.
Also disturbing are the attempts to study the effects of human stem cells in monkeys. A panel of scientists have warned that "the possibility that the human cells might transfer qualities to the animals and change the 'moral' dimension of experimenting on them."
--- Tuesday, July 12, 2005
What's Love Got to Do with It?
A lengthy op-ed by a Catholic professor in The Boston Globe attempts to refute the main points of resistance by Christian doctrine to homosexual unions.
Among Catholics, marriages that are childless, for whatever reason, are still sacramental, witnessing to the love of God. Wise Christian advisers of couples speak of the gift of self to the beloved other, of unconditional mutual acceptance, of pursuing such ideals by habits of respect, dialogue, and daily attention. The goal is a unity of heart and spirit and, yes, body that makes real the pledge to become ''two in one flesh."
Dig deeper in Christian wisdom and find the most outrageously attractive of Christian claims, that the reality that lies beyond the horizon of our knowledge and experience, at the edge of the universe and in the deepest reaches of our own consciousness, is best named as love. God is love, revealed in the incarnate Jesus of Nazareth, so genuine love is the very presence and experience of God. Where do we find God? In love for one another, and that includes the day to day decision to love this person, with whom one lives.
If there is any truth in these claims, then the big Christian question about homosexuality is not sodomy but whether these people, too, can experience that love in intimate personal relationships. As with many such rejoinders to the conservative position against same-sex relationships, this argument is built upon a myriad of faulty premises, the most prominent being blurred definitions of love and sex. Unquestionably, love is the fundamental element upon which a marriage is built. But the kind of love that sustains a relationship (marriage or otherwise) is based, not in romantic passion, but in an unconditional selflessness and sacrifice that places another above oneself. Relationships rooted in and driven by physical intimacy by their nature put selfish desires at the forefront and can ultimately find no lasting or mutual fulfillment.
This distinction is no mere semantics, and a cheapened view of love has brought justification to not just homosexuality, but also premarital sex and cohabitation, which are clearly and intentionally deprived of the permanence and commitment of true love.
Does this mean that homosexuals are incapable of genuine, selfless love? Of course not. But while the deeper concept of love is inherently virtuous, the emotion- and impulse-driven romantic love is not always right. When expressed in adultery, pornography, promiscuity, or other means -- including, according to Scripture, homosexuality -- such "eros" is not only inappropriate, but defies the very idea of love that it is meant to display.
--- Monday, July 11, 2005
Roe in the Crosshairs
Also in the NY Times is a fairly unsurprising report on the pending Supreme Court battle and the abortion issue that seems to resonate at its center.
Strategists for the anti-abortion movement were betting that the Supreme Court would soon be different: more conservative, and more open to an array of new abortion restrictions. With the retirement of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, part of the court's majority for abortion rights, that gamble may soon begin to pay off.
The basic right to abortion, declared in Roe v. Wade in 1973, will survive regardless of who replaces Justice O'Connor, given that the current majority for Roe is 6 to 3, many experts agree. Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist was one of the two original dissenters from the Roe decision; if he retires, as has been widely speculated, President Bush would presumably replace him with a similar conservative, so that would not change the balance on Roe.
But a number of cases that are likely to reach the court in the next few years, including the latest versions of the ban on the procedure that critics call partial-birth abortion, may give a new set of justices the opportunity to restrict abortion in significant ways.
In short, even without overturning Roe, the new court could seriously limit the decision's reach and change the way abortions are regulated around the country, experts say. This means that Mr.Bush's nominees will be intensely scrutinized, by all sides, on their records, past rulings and general philosophy on abortion. In a lot of ways, it seems that the culture war has almost come to a standstill, waiting to see who will don the black robe of the country's most powerful court and either defend the original intent of the Constitution or strip away civil rights, depending on the side of the battlefield from which one is viewing. Unquestionably, abortion will be no small issue in the tug-of-war over President Bush's judicial nominees -- especially with at least one abortion case coming before the Court next term.
It is not so clear, however, that the new (and, I hope, improved) High Court will take the step of overturning Roe v. Wade any time soon. Though contrary to the talking points of the left -- and a few unintelligible court opinions -- there is no constitutional or policy reason why such a ruling would be out of line.
More likely, as the article points out, would be for the revised Court to close some of the most appalling extensions of legalized abortion, such as partial-birth abortion, a law against which the current nine justices struck down in 2000. Yet even the Roe decision leaves no justification for upholding such an abhorrent practice (to find justification requires looking to Planned Parenthood v. Casey, whose majority opinion was authored by the outgoing Justice O'Connor).
But it is no "stealth" maneuver, as NARAL and its allies contend, to chip away at the horrid actions made legal by Roe v. Wade and subsequent cases.
Monkeying Around with Creation
In a cynical and trite editorial, the New York Times, lambastes advocates in Tulsa who attempted to place an acknowlegement of the Biblical account of creation amidst a display citing various other "myths" of the history of the world.
After the inevitable backlash from bewildered taxpayers warning that Tulsa would be dismissed as a science backwater, the directors "clarified" their vote to say they intended no monopoly for the Adam and Eve tale but rather wanted "six or seven" creation myths afforded equal time. There was the rub: there are hundreds of creation tales properly honored by the world's multifarious cultures, starting with the American Indian tribes around Tulsa.
You want creationism? How about the Cherokee buzzard that gouged the valleys and mountains? And why should Chinese-Americans tolerate neglect of P'an Ku and the cosmic egg at the zoo, or Norse descendants not speak up for Audhumla, the giant cow?
The futility of this exercise was emphatically made clear last week when a crowd of critics demanded reconsideration. With the speed of the Mayan jaguar sun god, zoo directors reversed themselves, realizing they had opened a Pandora's box (which see). In stumbling upon so many worthy cosmogonies, Tulsa did us all a favor by underlining how truly singular the evolution explanation is, rooted firmly in scientific demonstration. Thus the Times effectively declares the belief in a God-breathed creation to be no more credible or, I suppose, scientific than any of the pagan mythologies of old. Granted, the Tulsa activists perhaps should not have attempted to lump the Scripture's creation narrative with these obscure religions, yet the brouhaha provides hardly enough evidence to prop up the naturalist perspective of origins -- especially when two-thirds of Americans apparently recognize God's hand as Creator.
--- Thursday, July 07, 2005
Endowed by Our Curators
A column at the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review says that Supreme Court decisions to expunge God from the public square place an undue power upon government and deprive credit from the one by whom our rights are granted.
The world is blind if it sees this as an issue about the separation of church and state. It is not about separation. It is about consolidation.
By evicting God, government consolidates its power to become the de facto Higher Power of its subjects. But if there is no Creator, no right, unalienable or otherwise, can be endowed. Even if a majority of politicians vote yea on "granting" a right and never change their minds.
But rights-granting is not in their job description. If it were, rights-revoking also would be. And that would make "rights" privileges.
If no human has endowed rights to the oppressed in Third World dictatorships, does this mean they have none? God says they do even when their fellow man says they don't.
If the state says God does not officially exist, who -- or what -- endows the individual with certain unalienable rights? God must exist or else this republic's foundation -- that rights are granted by a Supreme Being instead of a human being -- collapses. It is, perhaps, an abstract and a secondary discussion to determine what the state of rights in America could look like if divine reverence is indeed stripped for our nationwide acknowledgement. Without delving into potentially dire consequences, suffice it to say that if God is removed from His role as arbiter and sovereign over human rights and freedom, then we will be left to appeal to the shaky foundation of man to defend our liberty.
That foundation would wobble on man's fallen nature, which has a distorted notion of freedom and a self-serving perspective of morality.
--- Wednesday, July 06, 2005
A New Supreme Court Era?
Vincent Phillip Muoz at National Review Online says that in spite of the Supreme Court's split decision on the constitutionality of Ten Commandments displays, the Court may be in for a shift in its church-state jurisprudence.
With O'Connor off the bench, Justice Kennedy will likely control religious-display cases, and he has proven much less hostile to religion than O'Connor. In the 1989 Allegheny County v. Greater Pittsburgh ACLU, Kennedy dissented when O'Connor and the Court stuck down the city of Pittsburgh's holiday display, which contained a crèche and a menorah. Kennedy wrote, "Government policies of accommodation, acknowledgment, and support for religion are an accepted part of our political and cultural heritage."
Three years later in the school-prayer case Lee v. Weisman, Kennedy set forth his "coercion" analysis of the Establishment Clause. His standard prohibits the government from compelling or psychologically coercing an individual to participate in or attend a religious activity. This means there can be no official prayer at public-school graduations or football games, but non-coercive passive displays with religious content are permissible. One can argue, as Justices Scalia and Thomas have, that "psychological coercion" is not really coercion in the legal sense of the term. But whatever its flaws, Kennedy's doctrine is an improvement over O'Connor's inherently subjective approach.
Of course, Justice Kennedy's coercion analysis will control the Court only if President Bush nominates an individual who eschews the Left's "strict separationism" or O'Connor’s no-endorsement approach to the Establishment Clause. Those in the White House and Senate who lament the judiciary's hostility toward religion ought to ask every nominee to explain his opinion of O'Connor's religion jurisprudence. If the nominee indicates support for O'Connor's endorsement test, the nominee should not be endorsed. Not that it has escaped anyone's notice, but the new Supreme Court justice could shift the Court's interpretation of a great number of crucial issues. Hence the looming threat of battle among all sides of the culture war. Such a showdown is not desirable, but it may be necessary if any positive change is going to come to the federal judiciary to return America to its solid foundations of reverence to God and reverence to the Constitution.
--- Friday, July 01, 2005
Thou Shalt Not Amend
Some ambitious Congressmen apparently hope to use a constitutional amendment to rescind last week's Supreme Court decision that declared Kentucky Ten Commandments displays to be an illegal establishment of religion.
Over 100 congressmen have introduced a constitutional amendment to protect religious expression on public property.
Rep. Roscoe Bartlett (R-Md.) joined Rep. Ernest Istook (R-Okla.), other congressmen and pro-family groups to propose the Religious Freedom Amendment (RFA), an effort to reverse the U.S. Supreme Court ruling which removed the Ten Commandments from a Kentucky courthouse.
"Deeply religious European colonists escaped the two tyrannies of the crown and the church and came to America," said Bartlett in a statement. "Our founders created a country and a Constitution that protected the ability of individuals to freely express their respective religions in public life. While I appreciate the quick and forceful response, my gut reaction is that attempting to ratify such an amendment would be a terrible solution to a genuine problem. That problem, however, lies not with an incomplete Constitution, but with outrageous interpretations of it that expand its mandates beyond recognition.
To bypass the courts' distortions of the First Amendment by creating a 28th one would be merely an ugly patch on one of many holes. And if the US Constitution truly must be amended to allow the public recognition of the existence of God, there aren't enough patches to go around.
Begun This Court War Has
Following today's retirement of Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, political pundits and reporters will now become entrenched in weeks worth of speculation and, most likely, an all-out Senatorial brawl over the Court's vacancy. Unlike the void that would have been left by Chief Justice Rehnquist, who had also been expected to step down this week, O'Connor's absence leaves the ideological tilt of the Court up for grabs.
O'Connor was far from the most liberal of the nine justices, but she leaves behind a series of votes and opinions that were all over the map, but included unflinching support for Roe v. Wade. She also voted last week against the constitutionality of displaying the Ten Commandments in both cases decided by the Court.
I don't follow the legal scene closely enough to offer a lot of predictions on whom the President might nominate to replace O'Connor, but I hope he has the fortitude to pick someone who will stand firm upon the US Constitution -- not just someone who will appease the minority party in the Senate.
Much is at stake here. As Antonin Scalia noted in his dissent to the 2003 case Lawrence v. Texas, the Supreme Court has taken on a substantial role in the culture wars, in recent years often inserting radical interpretations that have recklessly departed from longstanding social and legal tradition.
While it is up for debate whether atrocities like Roe can realistically be revoked in the next few years, clearly the legal philosophy of the Supreme Court has weighed and will weigh heavily in determining America's cultural direction. That's not a role the Court should be playing, and perhaps the right nominee will help return it to the restrained and limited position envisioned by the nation's founders.

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