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--- Thursday, October 20, 2005

A Long Roe-d Ahead 

Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen writes an interesting commentary in which he defends abortion but abandons the Supreme Court decision that is most often connected to it.
I no longer see abortion as directly related to sexual freedom or feminism, and I no longer see it strictly as a matter of personal privacy, either. It entails questions about life -- maybe more so at the end of the process than at the beginning, but life nonetheless...

That shift in sentiment is not apparent in polls because they do not measure doubt, only position: for or against. But between one and the other, black or white, is a vast area of gray where up or down, yes or no, fades to questions about circumstance: Why, what month, etc.? Whatever the case, the very basis of the Roe v. Wade decision -- the one that grounds abortion rights in the Constitution -- strikes many people now as faintly ridiculous. Whatever abortion may be, it cannot simply be a matter of privacy....

Conservatives -- and some liberals -- have long argued that the right to an abortion ought to be regulated by states. They have a point. My guess is that the more populous states would legalize it, the smaller ones would not, and most women would be protected. The prospect of some women traveling long distances to secure an abortion does not cheer me -- I'm pro-choice, I repeat -- but it would relieve us all from having to defend a Supreme Court decision whose reasoning has not held up. It seems more fiat than argument.

For liberals, the trick is to untether abortion rights from Roe. The former can stand even if the latter falls. The difficulty of doing this is obvious. Roe has become so encrusted with precedent that not even the White House will say how Harriet Miers would vote on it, even though she is rigorously antiabortion and politically conservative. Still, a bad decision is a bad decision. If the best we can say for it is that the end justifies the means, then we have not only lost the argument -- but a bit of our soul as well.
This is a valid debate, and there are plenty of reasons to revisit Roe v. Wade that don't necessarily lead to a return of the prohibition against abortion. I think, however, that Cohen underestimates how tightly woven the issue has become -- symbolically if not practically -- to this bizarre and overreaching Court decision. Whether they really believe legal abortion will end if Roe is revoked, activists on both sides of the debate have long promoted the ruling as either the cornerstone of the "right to choose" or as the fullest expression of a cultural coup by the judiciary. The connection is not likely to be broken.

It is fair to suggest, though, that defending Roe at all costs is a poor rallying cry for those seeking to keep abortion "safe" and legal. As morally indefensible as the decision was, it represented a legal travesty may have been just as appalling. Which is why, of course, the only real justification of Roe, legally speaking, is that it is "settled law" and that stare decisis cannot be disrupted.

And certainly the Roe Court's appeal to "privacy" was a complete obscuring of the real issues at hand. To declare privacy as such an untouchable privilege is to make a mockery of the law itself.

But I think the abortion issue tends to be more black and white than Cohen is willing to admit. He holds to his pro-choice credentials while acknowledging that the debate revolves around life. If it is truly a life that a woman carries inside her womb, then one finds it difficult to find a sound reason why she should be granted even a conditional "choice" to expunge that life from her.

--- Tuesday, October 18, 2005

An Ever Clouded Choice 

A powerful column in the Washington Post laments the dark "choice" to abort babies who may have to face -- or who may create -- a life of struggles.
Margaret does not view her life as unremitting human suffering (although she is angry that I haven't bought her an iPod). She's consumed with more important things, like the performance of the Boston Red Sox in the playoffs and the dance she's going to this weekend. Oh sure, she wishes she could learn faster and had better math skills. So do I. But it doesn't ruin our day, much less our lives. It's the negative social attitudes that cause us to suffer.

Many young women, upon meeting us, have asked whether I had "the test." I interpret the question as a get-home-free card. If I say no, they figure, that means I'm a victim of circumstance, and therefore not implicitly repudiating the decision they may make to abort if they think there are disabilities involved. If yes, then it means I'm a right-wing antiabortion nut whose choices aren't relevant to their lives....

What I don't understand is how we as a society can tacitly write off a whole group of people as having no value. I'd like to think that it's time to put that particular piece of baggage on the table and talk about it, but I'm not optimistic. People want what they want: a perfect baby, a perfect life. To which I say: Good luck. Or maybe, dream on.

And here's one more piece of un-discussable baggage: This question is a small but nonetheless significant part of what's driving the abortion discussion in this country. I have to think that there are many pro-choicers who, while paying obeisance to the rights of people with disabilities, want at the same time to preserve their right to ensure that no one with disabilities will be born into their own families. The abortion debate is not just about a woman's right to choose whether to have a baby; it's also about a woman's right to choose which baby she wants to have.
As surprising as it is to see this perspective in the pages of the Post, the issue indeed strikes at the heart of the immorality of abortion -- and the logical extremes to which its legalization are bound to find. For if unborn children are able to be discarded for certain reasons, it is only a short step before they are able to be destroyed for any reason. With especially gruesome procedures such as partial-birth abortion constantly defended by federal courts, we're probably there already.

On the other hand, if the conscience is troubled by the fact that pregnancies may be ended to avoid giving birth to a deformed child, that should be a conspicuous clue to the untenable nature of abortion in general.

Race for the Cure Must Jump the Ethics Hurdle 

For an editorial page that is quick to deride what it sees as dogmatic or unscientific stances, the NY Times seems strangely pitted against medical research that could produce stem cells without ethical concern.
Scientists experimenting with mice have devised two new ways to derive embryonic stem cells without destroying viable embryos. The work is being hailed for its potential to sidestep some of the ethical controversies that have slowed stem cell research in this country. But each of the new techniques raises ethical issues of its own, and neither is apt to be ready for use in humans for many years.

These and other approaches to deriving stem cells without destroying embryos clearly deserve further research, but they must not be allowed to halt or slow the most proven method of obtaining embryonic stem cells - extracting them from human embryos that are inevitably destroyed in the process....

Some critics consider it morally objectionable to genetically engineer a defective embryo that can't implant. But advocates of this approach believe it can be refined to produce disorganized clumps of tissue that will be deemed biological artifacts, not nascent life.

It would be great if some way could be found to produce embryonic stem cells of high scientific value without raising ethical objections. But until that day comes, it would be foolish to abandon proven techniques just to meet the ethical objections of a minority.
While the procedures that the Times advocates may be "proven" to extract stem cells, the results are far from conclusive in their ability to cure or prevent disease. That, of course, is neither the primary issue nor the main point of contention in the stem-cell debate. Yet the editorial not only disregards, but casts aside entirely, the serious moral problems that are inherent within the harvesting of stem cells through cloning or destroying embryos.

If anything, the new procedures need not prove themselves first medically successful, but at the foremost they must be ethically sound. This is no trivial point. Rather, it's the basis upon which any medical discoveries should be judged.

--- Monday, October 17, 2005

A Legal Tragedy 

In what seems to me to be a difficult clash between the logical extension of one of the most immoral tenets of modern American law, the Supreme Court has ruled that a prisoner in Missouri must receive state-provided transportation to be able to abort her unborn baby.
The Supreme Court, in an abortion case of relatively narrow scope, cleared the way Monday for a Missouri prison inmate to terminate her pregnancy.

The high court decision was not a sweeping rendering on the issue of abortion, per se, but rather a holding that Missouri corrections officials must drive the woman to a clinic to have the procedure. It was unclear how soon that would be done.

Late Friday, Justice Clarence Thomas had granted a temporary stay to the state, which prevented the woman from having an abortion on Saturday. But Monday's high court action was unanimous.

Missouri's law forbids spending tax dollars to facilitate an abortion, but the federal judge took the position that the prison system in Missouri was blocking her from exercising that right. Thomas' stay had temporarily blocked the ruling by U.S. District Judge Dean Whipple.
As frustrating as it is to see the Supreme Court allow this action to take place, it is difficult to envision them ruling otherwise without reevaluating the broader merits of legal abortion (a debate that certainly needs to take place as well). From a legal standpoint, the only grievance once could reasonably file is that public resources should not be used in any way to support abortions -- though as long as the government offers funds to groups like Planned Parenthood, the Missouri case seems like a drop in a polluted bucket.

The case does demonstrate, however, how the so-called "right to privacy" manufactured by the Supreme Court for use in Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade has morphed into a right to abortion.

--- Wednesday, October 12, 2005

The Devil Wears Pravda 

In a column in the LA Times, an Israeli writer suggests that the definitions of evil in postmodern society may have shifted from the traditional understanding.
[T]he times may be changing again. Satan might have been sacked, but he did not remain unemployed. The 20th century was the worst arena of coldblooded evil in human history. The social sciences failed to predict, encounter or even grasp this modern, highly technologized evil. Very often, this 20th century evil disguised itself as world reforming, as idealism, as reeducating the masses or "opening their eyes." Totalitarianism was presented as secular redemption for some, at the expense of millions of lives.

Today, having emerged from the evil of totalitarian rule, we have enormous respect for cultures. For diversities. For pluralism. I know some people are willing to kill anyone who is not a pluralist.

Satan, it seems, has been hired for work once again, this time by postmodernism. And this time his job is verging on kitsch: A small, secretive bunch of "shady forces" are always guilty for everything, from poverty and discrimination and war and global warming to Sept. 11 and the tsunami. Ordinary people are always innocent. Minorities are never to blame. Victims are, by definition, morally pure. Did you notice that today, the devil never seems to invade any individual person? We have no Fausts any more.

According to trendy discourse today, evil is a conglomerate. Systems are evil. Governments are bad. Faceless institutions run the world for their own sinister gain. Satan is no longer in the details. Individual men and women cannot be "bad," in the ancient sense of the Book of Job, or of Macbeth, of Iago, of Faust. You and I are always very nice people. The devil is always the establishment. This is, in my view, ethical kitsch.

In truth, there are good people in the world. There are evil people in the world. Evil cannot always be repelled by incantation, by demonstrations, by social analysis or by psychoanalysis. Sometimes, in the last resort, it has to be confronted by force. In my view, the ultimate evil in the world is not war itself, but aggression. Aggression is "the mother of all wars." And sometimes aggression has to be repelled by the force of arms before peace can prevail.
I can't quite tell whether this writer truly believes, as I do, that the devil is indeed the mastermind behind the great conspiracy to obscure and redefine what is evil. But he makes some fascinating observations that, perhaps, demonstrate how the increasing disregard toward absolute truth results in a total void of moral standard. Right and wrong are thus discerned not by good and evil, but by tolerant and intolerant, judgmental and inclusive, conforming and avant garde.

Such a fluid and subjective understanding of evil renders it essentially meaningless. There can be no real, unquestionable evil unless there is a clear moral authority by which to judge it.

--- Tuesday, October 11, 2005

A Search for an Ethical Stem Cell 

The NY Times reports on continued attempts by biologists to extract embryonic stem cells without destroying an embryo to acquire them.
So while most stem cell scientists focus on obtaining stem cells from early embryos, Dr. Daley and Dr. Jaenisch have begun asking if they can get stem cells another way, perhaps by creating aberrant cell clusters that contain stem cells but could never survive more than a week or so. The idea is to produce embryonic cells without the embryos and make nearly everyone happy.

For the last three years, he has been trying to get a consensus on alternative methods of obtaining stem cells, after deliberating on the moral status of the human embryo for a president's council report on cloning.

He personally finds it morally unacceptable to destroy a human embryo, but he also understood the immense promise of stem cells. "I was really torn," he said.

Then he had an idea. What if you got embryonic stem cells in the following way: You do not fertilize an egg. Instead, you start the cloning process but in an altered way so that, he says, no embryo is produced. Ordinarily, with cloning, scientists slip an adult cell into an egg whose genetic material has been removed....Dr. Hurlbut proposed something different. First remove genes from the adult cell that are needed for the full development of an embryo, or silence those genes or alter their pattern of expression. Then start the cloning process by adding that altered cell to an egg.

"What I'm suggesting is creating something that never rises to the level of a living being," he said. "No embryo is ever formed. It's not a human embryo if it doesn't have the potential to develop into the human form." He decided to call it a "biological artifact."
It is extremely encouraging to see scientists taking a humble and cautious approach in dealing with the intricate, delicate, sacred realm of the building blocks of human life.

That said, I am not entirely comfortable with a widespread acceptance of the procedures outlined in this article -- certainly not without continued debate a great deal of scrutiny. This new approach to the science may not cross the line of unethical tampering with human life, but it tiptoes fairly close to it. We don't necessarily want to keep saying "no" to new medicine that could save or improve lives, but even more fundamentally, we must pursue carefully and slowly into these areas, lest the very sacredness of life is lost to the rigidness of research.

--- Friday, October 07, 2005

Supporting Miers on Faith 

Washington Post columnist EJ Dionne exposes the alleged hypocrisy of evangelical Christians who seem to be rallying around Harriet Miers as one of their own, in spite of past criticism that there should be no religious "test" in finding a nominee.
Now we know: President Bush's supporters are prepared to be thoroughly hypocritical when it comes to religion. They'll play religion up or down, whichever helps them most in a political fight.

Shortly after Bush named John Roberts to the Supreme Court, a few Democrats, including Sen. Richard Durbin (D-Ill.), suggested that the nominee might reasonably be questioned about the impact of his religious faith on his decisions as a justice....

But now that Harriet Miers, Bush's latest Supreme Court nominee, is in trouble with conservatives, her religious faith and how she lives that faith are becoming central to the case being made for her by the administration and its supporters. Miers has almost no public record. Don't worry, the administration's allies are telling their friends on the right, she's an evangelical Christian.
Setting aside for a moment whether it represents a lapse in judgment to support a judicial nominee primarily for her faith, I'm not sure the column accurately portrays the conservative or Christian mentality regarding this nomination. While a few high-profile evangelicals have voice support for Miers, a substantial number of others -- both pundits and politicians -- have withheld full-fledged backing until her judicial discernment is established.

Nor is it really a question of hypocrisy, unless there are commentators actually advocating that the Senate confirm Ms. Miers because of her evangelical credentials. Offering personal support for a nominee because of her faith is very different than suggesting she should receive confirmation on that basis.

Meanwhile, liberal legislators and media outlets like the Post and New York Times are no less shy about broadcasting the spiritual background of a Court appointment. The presumption that seems to result is that a justice's devout belief in God would de facto create a conflict of interest between church and state.

Regardless of which side brings up the faith question, the Roberts' nomination demonstrated that spiritual beliefs are bound to play a key role in this appointment and those to come. Should this area be off limits altogether in determining a nominee's jurisprudence? I don't think it need be, in that a religious view will inevitably affect a justice's perspective on cultural issues. Yet to make faith the key factor in determining whether a nominee is qualified is likely not prudent for any side.

Ultimately, if conservative Christians are lining up behind Miers merely because of hearsay evidence that she holds evangelical values, we may end up disappointed. Plenty of talented evangelicals would make poor Supreme Court justices. If Ms. Miers proclaims a Christian faith, it isn't hypocritical or misguided to be optimistic that she will subsequently defend constitutional principles. But she also must demonstrate that she can bring a sharp legal mind and deep respect for the Constitution to the table (er, bench).

--- Wednesday, October 05, 2005

Out of the Miery Clay 

I'm not sure yet what to think of President Bush's latest selection of a justice for the Supreme Court. Like a lot of conservatives in Washington and around the nation, I found it a bit disconcerting that such an obscure nominee was chosen, especially in light of many qualified and respected candidates on the list.

Not surprisingly, however, attention has turned to questions of faith -- particularly in how Harriet Miers' faith (or lack of it) could affect her rulings on abortion and other issues. Both the Washington Post and New York Times explore the spiritual beliefs of Ms. Miers today, and offer the not-so-subtle suggestion that her Christian leanings could work their way into the Court's docket.

The Post reports:
Some religious conservatives have expressed deep dissatisfaction with the Miers nomination, grumbling that she has never taken public stands on hot-button social issues. But her friends point to Valley View as evidence that she is cut from conservative cloth. They say she's not a "holy roller" who flaunts her religion on her sleeve but she lives her faith as a born-again Christian.

"People in Dallas know she's a conservative," said her friend Ed Kinkeade, a federal district judge. "She's not Elmer Gantry, but she lives what she believes. . . . I'm like, y'all, has George Bush appointed anyone to an appellate court that is a betrayal to conservatives?"...Hecht suggested that it would be difficult to attend Valley View regularly and support gay rights. At the same time, he said, Miers's faith made her more sympathetic to the struggles of others, and her duties as an at-large City Council member transcended her personal views.

"She represented those people, and she wanted to represent the whole city," Hecht said. "It doesn't mean that you approve of their lifestyle."
And from a similar article in the NY Times:
Ms. Miers, born Roman Catholic, became an evangelical Christian and began identifying more with Republicans than with the Democrats who had long held sway over Texas politics. She joined the missions committee of her church, which is against legalized abortion, and friends and colleagues say she rarely looked back at her past as a Democrat....

To persuade the right to embrace Ms. Miers's selection despite her lack of a clear record on social issues, representatives of the White House put Justice Hecht on at least one conference call with influential social conservative organizers on Monday to talk about her faith and character.

Some evangelical Protestants were heralding the possibility that one of their own would have a seat on the court after decades of complaining that their brand of Christianity met condescension and exclusion from the American establishment.
If Ms. Miers turns out to be the devout follower of Christ that she is portrayed to be in these accounts, that should be a wonderful asset to her service on the Court -- if for no other reason than to humble her in the midst of such great power. Yet it's more than a little unsettling that the mass media has been so eager to shine the spotlight on the nominee's faith -- just as they did with the nomination of John Roberts. I find it unlikely that one would ever find a New York Times piece about how the atheism of a judge affects his or her ability to make reasoned decisions.

Certainly, it is true enough that a justice's worldview will be reflected in his interpretation of the law. But since the judiciary is not charged (at least in theory) with creating the laws that shape culture, an adherence to constitutional authority must be considered as important as adherence to Scriptural authority. There needn't ever be a contradiction between the two.

And one hopes that what Senators and citizens will be looking for in the coming weeks is whether Harriet Miers will adequately defend the nation's legal foundation. If her belief in God helps her do that, then the country would be in sure hands.

No Right to Be Born, But Certainly a Right to Die 

The New York Times discovers federalism in an editorial today and uses it to argue in favor of an Oregon law to allow assisted suicide, which is currently before the Supreme Court.
This case nominally involves two hot-button issues: the right of terminally ill people to end their lives, and the allocation of power between the federal government and states. But the Court of Appeals was right to resolve it more simply, through a careful interpretation of the Controlled Substances Act. Mr. Ashcroft claimed that the law gave him the power to overrule Oregon's assisted suicide policy. But when Congress passed the act, it clearly intended to prohibit ordinary drug abuse, not to set out a federal policy on assisted suicide.

Opponents of assisted suicide have never been able to persuade Congress to outlaw assisted suicide directly. In the absence of a Congressional law, Mr. Ashcroft had no authority to interfere with the decision of Oregon's voters....

The impact of today's case will be felt beyond Oregon. The Bush administration's position has discouraged other states from enacting assisted suicide laws. But the Supreme Court should make clear that Oregon, and all states, have the right to allow terminally ill people to end their lives with a maximum of dignity and a minimum of pain.
If the Supreme Court ultimately decides to uphold this supposed right, it will have to do so on the basis of states' sovereignty. Whether that's the correct ruling or not, there is clearly no constitutional principle that could be interpreted as an inherent right to help end the life of a fellow human being (not that the Court hasn't bewildered us in the past with its application of the Constitution). The justices could, however, make quite a reasonable case that the fundamental ethics of the nation demand a broad and serious protection of citizens' lives that would nullify the idea that doctors can help end them. One does not have to use much imagination to see how the widespread legal and cultural acceptance of assisted suicide could quickly lead to ever increasing justification for eliminating debilitated citizens -- whether they feel ready to die or not.

What a Tangled Web We Clone 

Nigel M. de S. Cameron at Christianity Today suggests that California voters might not get what they bargained for by opening the door to cloning and embryonic stem-cell research.
Long ago in November of 2004, the people of California voted for a ballot proposition that would spend around $6 billion (including interest charges) on cloning and embryonic stem-cell research. It was a strange campaign, vastly lopsided (pro-cloning spending was around 50 times that of the opposition), aided greatly by the late and somewhat unexpected intervention of Gov. Schwarzenegger, and driven by some of the worst hype in the history of American politics. The people of the nearly bankrupt state were promised cures and also cash returns on their investment--within five years. It was said that before principal repayments fell due, there would be cost savings from the cures that would more than cover the vast costs of the project.

Too good to be true? Well, snakeoil has been sold before. As I pointed out (with Jennifer Lahl) in a San Francisco Chronicle op-ed before the vote, if you make that kind of claim in an IPO rather than a ballot measure, you can go to jail.

Much has happened since. The bond issue is being held up by court challenges. Liberal supporters of the proposition, including Deborah Ortiz, its key booster in the state senate, have woken up to some of the huge problems it raises--not least, the facts that profits from any "cures" that result will not go to the state and that poor women may be used as egg farms by researchers.
Ultimately, the morality of these procedures does not depend on whether they are successful in curing disease or producing income. The fundamental argument against cloning and embryo destruction is not that they could never lead vast medical discoveries, but rather that the process required to make those finds was immoral in itself, violating the sanctity of human life. Whatever useful result might come from tampering with embryos, it cannot overcome the ethical principles that require the field of medicine to offer humble respect for life at all stages. Forging ahead to apparently positive ends would not justify violating those principles. But in California, it seems, the means have become the end.

--- Tuesday, October 04, 2005

As the "Lion" Roars 

Stepping aside for a moment from the ongoing speculation of the merits (or lack thereof) of the President's Supreme Court pick, David van Biema at Time Magazine ponders a mystery of a different sort: Will the film version of "The Lion, the Witch, and the Wardrobe" be as explicit in displaying the Christian allegory as C.S. Lewis's book was?
Lewis always insisted that his seven Narnia books were not a point-by-point Christian allegory. Much of The Lion, the Witch owes more to English folktales or Norse and classical myth than to the New Testament. The passage of the four Pevensie children through the magic closet into a world laboring under a spell of eternal winter is not Christian, nor are the cruel white witch, talking animals, centaurs, and even a duo of Roman gods who inhabit it. True, the description of the redeeming figure of the lion Aslan as "the Son the Great Emperor-Beyond-the- Sea" is a big hint. But even Aslan's sacrifice on a huge stone table (not a cross; and performed with a stone knife, Aztec-style), and his subsequent miraculous recovery could have been borrowed from any number of world religions.

It is the book's explanation for this key sequence that makes it exclusively Christian....Lewis packed the two huge ideas into a few lines at the brief hinge moment of his plot. But the same electric current than charged The Passion runs through them. What the Lion's filmmakers do with the charming storytelling that surrounds them is--theologically--optional. But if these key ideas are muddled, the film may be a classic, but never a Christian classic. And its revenues, large as they may be, will reflect that.
It's been a long time since I've read the Narnia books (though I'm plenty eager to see the movie). But the writings of C.S. Lewis, similar on some level to Scripture itself, present the message of Christian salvation in a way that may be mystifying to those who don't see it or grasp it -- and as plain as can be to those who do. I suspect that, with or without the "explanatory" lines, that feature will exude from the upcoming movie if it is at all faithful to the Narnia novels.

--- Monday, October 03, 2005

What Would Darwin Think? 

Jeff Jacoby argues that uncompromising Darwinists don't necessarily hold the scientific high ground in the modern debate between evolution and design.
Ironically, Charles Darwin himself acknowledged that there could be reasonable challenges to his theory of natural selection -- including challenges from religious quarters. According to the sociologist and historian Rodney Stark, when "The Origin of Species" first appeared in 1859, the Bishop of Oxford published a review in which he acknowledged that natural selection was the source of variations *within* species, but rejected Darwin's claim that evolution could account for the appearance of different species in the first place. Darwin read the review with interest, acknowledging in a letter to a friend that "the bishop makes a very telling case against me."

How things have changed. When John Scopes went on trial in Tennessee in 1925, religious fundamentalists fought to keep evolution out of the classroom because it was at odds with a literal reading of the Biblical creation story. Today, Darwinian fundamentalists fight to keep the evidence of intelligent design in the diversity of life on earth out of the classroom, because that would be at odds with a strictly materialist view of the world. Eighty years ago, the thought controllers wanted no Darwin; today's thought controllers want only Darwin. In both cases, the dominant attitude is authoritarian and closed-minded -- the opposite of the liberal spirit of inquiry on which good science depends....

In truth, intelligent design isn't a scientific theory but a restatement of a timeless argument: that the regularity and laws of the natural world imply a higher intelligence -- God, most people would say -- responsible for its design. Intelligent design doesn't argue that evidence of design ends all questions or disproves Darwin. It doesn't make a religious claim. It does say that when such evidence appears, researchers should take it into account, and that the weaknesses in Darwinian theory should be acknowledged as forthrightly as the strengths. That isn't primitivism or Bible-thumping or flying spaghetti. It's science.
Much of the conflict present among educators, scientists, parents, and other truth seekers has stalled not in the question of whether evolution or intelligent design were the means by which the universe was formed, but whether such a debate can even be considered legitimate to begin with. Yet to proclaim the discussion over, with evolutionary theory the victor, is to deny a substantial number of "gaps" and "missing links" for which nature has yet to produce sufficient explanations. Science -- however one defines it -- cannot be satisfied to render a conclusive, unquestionable verdict in the light of so many unexplained phenomena.

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