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--- Wednesday, August 23, 2006
The Ongoing Problem of Pain
In National Review this week is a fascinating debate between Heather Mac Donald and Michael Novak on the merits and limits of Christianity (or more generically, "religion") in politics and public policy. The discussion seems to have turned, however, to an analysis on the merits or limits of God Himself. Today, Mac Donald writes:
Perhaps when believers speak of God's "love," they use the term in a way that has nothing to do with ordinary usage. Novak maybe implies as much when he states: "What is difficult to believe is that any one of us . . . knows more than God does about His love for every individual." God's "love" is different from human love; it includes the capacity to foresee and watch the destruction of one's children and not intervene. But then why not use a different word entirely -- "callousness," say. At the very least, if we are going to continue to use ordinary words in counterintuitive ways to refer to God, we should give them some sort of diacritical marker to let listeners know that the words they are hearing don't mean what they ordinarily mean. One could speak of "G-love," for instance, to distinguish it from ordinary human love.
I am also puzzled by the attribution of justice to God, unless, of course, we are really talking about "G-justice." An elementary definition of justice is treating like cases alike and treating unlike cases differently. If a judge has two plaintiffs before him who are each suing for restitution under a contract, and each has met the conditions for restitution, we expect that he would award each plaintiff the remedy that he seeks. On the other hand, if one plaintiff has breached his contract and thus is not entitled to restitution, we would find it unacceptable if the judge nevertheless awarded both plaintiffs the sought-after remedy. In the case of God justice, however, we see like cases being treated differently and unlike cases being treated the same all the time -- or so it would seem to a human eye. Mac Donald rightly anticipates the objection that she has no qualification by which to comprehend the methods of a Holy God. But this isn't really the issue. What is just as inexplicable as understanding the love and justice of God is to try to explain such concepts without Him. Indeed, Mac Donald proclaims a knowledge of What Should Be, and a strong discomfort that the world doesn't match it -- yet from where could such an understanding come?
Whether there is a God or not, we know that something is wrong. Nature, however, knows nothing of What Should Be -- only What Is. The despair rampant in humanity is evident enough, and it is by our sense of love and justice that we are pained by it. But such ideas could only be instilled in our hearts by a being who represents true love and true justice.
Still, we are left with the ever-present question: If there is a good and powerful God, why doesn't He fix it? Yet as Ravi Zacharias has pointed out, any form of belief (atheism included) must confront this issue of why bad things happen. Though the God of Scripture may seem incomprehensible in the face of evil and suffering, atheism offers no satisfactory response. Nor can "secularism" skirt the issue and offer a humanistic solution that appeals to the goodness and justice of man. Such is a shallow well to draw from.
The real answer is found in the Cross of Christ -- upon which God's love and justice were both satisfied for all those who would accept His redemption. The world anguishes not because of God's weakness or lack of compassion, but because of man's disregard for His righteousness. Scripture is quite up front, in fact, in declaring that man will experience pain, even if he gives his life to God. Yet in His great mercy, Christ the Creator offered Himself as the object of God's wrath. In the face of such a promise, we can endure the brief -- often immensely difficult -- stay on earth with faith and endurance.
--- Thursday, August 17, 2006
The Face(s) of Abortion
Julia Gorin does a bold thing in today's Wall Street Journal -- offering an emotional criticism of abortion that might bring of feelings of guilt and shame.
The Web site of Ms. Magazine--yes, it still exists--is calling on readers to sign a petition: "I have had an abortion. I publicly join the millions of women in the United States who have had an abortion in demanding a repeal of laws that restrict women's reproductive freedom."
Well, so much for the right to privacy. If Ms. readers hadn't had so many abortions, there might be more Ms. readers. As for the rest of us, here's a petition we could all sign: "I wasn't aborted."
Having narrowly escaped being aborted, I'd be the first in line. Gorin may or may not have intended her column to incite shame in mothers who have aborted a baby or are considering it. But it is hard to escape the imagery of vanished children who never had the chance to breathe their first breaths.
The Ms. petition, on the other hand, seeks to more deliberately produce the opposite idea: that women should carry no disgrace whatsoever for exercising their "right" -- they should even be proud of it. What a farce. There's a reason why it is so hard to detach abortion and shame, try as Ms. might.
This is not to say, of course, that women who have had abortions cannot find forgiveness and redemption, as all of us can, in the mercy of Christ. But we cannot -- and should not -- allow this tragic "choice" to be set free from the uneasiness and shame that come from taking away a life. Julia Gorin's appeal might be emotional, but she makes a fair attempt to implore mothers to think twice about throwing their babies away, for baby's sake and mother's.
--- Wednesday, August 16, 2006
Marriage Bound by Law
Thomas Sowell offers an interesting primer in defense of traditional marriage against the attempts to redefine it.
In a free society, vast numbers of things are neither forbidden nor facilitated. They are considered to be none of the law's business.
Homosexuals were on their strongest ground when they said that the law had no business interfering with relations between consenting adults. Now they want the law to put a seal of approval on their behavior. But no one is entitled to anyone else's approval.
Why is marriage considered to be any of the law's business in the first place? Because the state asserts an interest in the outcomes of certain unions, separate from and independent of the interests of the parties themselves. Sowell is correct in all his arguments, as far as I'm concerned, but his law-based analysis might fail to capture the true, underlying questions in this debate. Granted, there is no legal reason that the definition of marriage should be tweaked, expanded, or eliminated from our society. Yet this reality could be lost if we do not first demonstrate that marriage itself -- as a man and woman committed to each other unconditionally and permanently -- is inherently good, and thus worth protecting.
Israel's Travail Tips
Washington Post columnist Richard Cohen notes the shift in warfare against Israel, as displayed in the recent conflicts against Hezbollah in Lebanon.
This seemingly abrupt shift to the ideological, to the religious, is the most noteworthy and ominous development of recent times. The fight is no longer over territory -- the West Bank, Gaza -- but over the very existence of Israel. The people who seem to hate Israel most, who will kill to kill it and die for it to die, are not reclaiming ancestral land -- no Iranian pines for his lost orange grove near Jaffa -- but instead cannot abide the very idea of Israel.
Democracies are in a fix. If your enemy will gladly die for his cause while you wouldn't think of dying for yours (not that you even know what it is: freedom? liberty?) then clearly the fight is not to the swift but to the suicidal. The obvious short-term remedy is cold, lethal technology. But the reliance on high-tech stuff has not subdued Iraq, and it utterly failed in Lebanon as well. These are the realities of the new warfare, and if they are the "birth pangs of the new Middle East," then what is being produced is not some cute, babbling democracies but a hideous monster. Ironically, the reference to "birth pangs" originates in Scripture, where Christ points out that struggles and disasters in the Middle East and elsewhere are merely the beginning of what's to come. But perhaps the allusion is fitting, since it is clear enough that the present "ceasefire" is merely an interlude until the next battle.
However, I am not sure that the motivation has changed much in the many decades -- centuries even -- of this war. From the times of David and Christ on, Israel's enemies have held a vehement desire for her destruction. But certainly, the rabid desperation of those now callously seeking to demolish the nation bit by bit represents a warfare that may be impossible to counter without firm -- yes, violent -- resistance.
And this means that the world must be able to expose evil for what it is. As Cal Thomas points out in his most recent column:
Within the memory of most people over 40, the free world could distinguish between good and evil. But today, fewer make such judgments and "one man's terrorist is another's freedom fighter." Instead of the World War I lyric "we won't come back till it's over, over there," we - or in this case Israel - comes back before it's over. As a result, it isn't over and it won't be over until Israel and the West get over moral equivalency and political correctness and fight to win. The evil guys are fighting to win. This doesn't mean there are simple or comfortable solutions to battling such wickedness. Where evil roams, the innocent suffer. And as the wars by the U.S. in Iraq and Israel in Lebanon have shown, the innocent may become accidental targets along with the villains in their midst. This would be tragic even if civilians weren't being attacked or deliberately set in harm's way by terrorists who seem to embrace death.
Our prayer is that innocents would be spared and evil defeated. But this supposed ceasefire -- a levee already on the verge of breaking -- is not likely to provide such victory.
--- Monday, August 14, 2006
Miracles May Have to Wait
A New York Times report on stem cell research actually seems to present a bit of a reality check to the grandiose hopes of embryonic research.
In the five years since President Bush authorized and at the same time restricted research on human embryonic stem cells, a marked shift has taken place in some scientists' views of how the research is likely to benefit medicine. Many no longer see cell therapy as the first goal of the research, parting company with those whose near-term expectations for cell therapy remain high.
Instead, these researchers envisage a longer-term program in which human embryonic cells would be a research tool to study the mechanisms of disease. From this, they say, many therapeutic benefits may emerge, like new drugs, which would probably be available at least as soon as any cell therapy treatment....
The approved cell lines, though regarded by many scientists as unusable for medical treatment and insufficient for many research purposes, have allowed a first round of experimentation. Work since 2001 has produced no significant advance, but has enabled a preliminary assessment of the field's possibilities. Many researchers now see human embryonic stem cells as part of a long-term research program, with any sort of cell therapy being at least 5 or 10 years off.
That projection shows a gap between scientists' views and those of the public and of people for whom the overriding purpose of research with human embryonic stem cells is to generate cells that can restore damaged tissues. I don't think any of this information is especially new, though it provides a contrast from the claims of miracle cures if only we could extract stem cells from human embryos. This article doesn't, however, raise the question of the morality of such research -- an issue that would remain whether it succeeds now, in the future, or never. In fact, the report seems to ignore any kind of cultural uncertainty about the ethics of using embryos for medical study, mentioning only in passing the President's recent veto against giving the practice more funding.
60 Minutes Too Many
Last night on CBS' 60 Minutes, veteran (and retired) reporter Mike Wallace conducted a hard-hitting interview with the president of Iran that struck fear into the heart of an enemy and exposed his diabolical plans. Or not. I only read the transcript, but while Wallace's intentions may have been noble, CBS seemed to only provide a madman with a platform for spouting propaganda against the United States. At National Review, Joel Rosenberg suggests a few questions that Wallace could have asked:
1. Mr. President, you are telling colleagues in Iran that you believe the end of the world is rapidly approaching. Why do you believe this? How are these views shaping your foreign policy?
2. Could you tell us more in the West about your belief that the "Twelfth Imam" (or "Hidden Imam") will soon reappear and why you believe that the way to hasten the coming of this Islamic messiah is to launch a global jihad against Israel and the U.S.?...
Iran is the new Germany. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is the new Adolf Hitler. Radical Shiite Islamic jihadists are the new Nazi storm troopers. The pursuit of the Twelfth Imam is the pursuit of the new Third Reich. CBS News had both the opportunity and responsibility to help the world truly understand this regime and the danger it poses. It failed miserably, and we are all poorer for it. At the very least, the interview seems to reveal a lack of seriousness about the threat posed by Ahmadinejad and his regime, which has already worked behind the scenes in Iraq and Lebanon to thwart Israel and the U.S. Why should we give him air time to try to deceive Americans?
--- Wednesday, August 09, 2006
Re: Abortion Is OK...
Jason VanDorsten comments on the disturbing idea that Scripture's seeming silence about abortion indicates God's approval of the practice.
"'Jesus never mentioned abortion,' notes Paul Simmons, a Baptist minister..." Hmmm. Jesus never mentioned a lot of things, but that doesn't make any of them "right" simply on the grounds of express verbal omission. Weak exegesis = weak conviction, every time. I would wager that the overwhelming majority of folk like Mr. Simmons simply support "the right for people to have control over their own bodies" or "the freedom to choose... whatever I want." That is to say - in my estimation - they are not defending abortion so much as they are defending an abstract ideology of personal autonomy. Abortion is easy to support when it has has no real meaning or context outside of its association with "personal rights," "freedom of choice," and other ambiguous terminolgy. My guess is that Mr. Simmons has never seen an abortion and is sadly ignorant of what he is actually promoting. For a man of pastoral persuasion, that is uninformed ideology at best, blatant heresy at worst. A good site to get some firsthand truth regarding the issue: http://www.abort73.com/ (As a warning, some of the videos and the 'photographic evidence' sections are very graphic... but I don't think it's sensationalized - it's just the way it is.) This notion of freedom and "rights" has certainly played a crucial role in the cultural and legal shift that has brought abortion out of the shadows and into the mainstream of the Western society. Yet what a distortion of the concept of liberty to suggest that the concept is so broad -- on a natural, social, or spiritual level -- to allow a parent's "right to choose" to carry more value than the life of an unborn baby. Such a view is tragic on an individual level, but devastating on a societal scale.
--- Wednesday, August 02, 2006
Abortion is OK - The Bible Tells Me So
The Boston Globe, which recently claimed that the Child Protection Custody Act makes it "a perilous time to be young, female and pregnant in the United States," offers a profile of believers who have reconciled their faith with the right to abortion.
The religious abortion-rights movement, like the antiabortion movement, grounds its understanding of abortion in the Bible. Abortion-rights religious groups point to what they see as a telling silence in Scripture. "Jesus never mentioned abortion," notes Paul Simmons, a Baptist minister and author of the forthcoming "Faith and Health: Religion, Science and Public Policy." "The apostle Paul wrote all these lengthy letters to the Greco-Roman world, where abortion was widely practiced, with lists of virtues and vices. If anyone was a common-sense moralist, Paul was." But the subject doesn't come up in his counsel, or anywhere else in the Old or New Testament....
The religious abortion-rights movement stresses that it presents these biblical readings not to promote abortion, but to endorse it as an option. The movement works toward what it calls true "reproductive choice," envisioning a society in which education and contraception prevent unintended pregnancies, and widely available healthcare and child care foster conditions supportive of childbearing. The religious right, they charge, has largely neglected these goals in favor of pressing the fight against abortion. "If you say you don't want to see abortions, let's try to prevent them," says Veazey. There are myriad problems with the Scriptural exegesis used to justify and defend abortion as morally neutral (or even morally good). But by this flimsy analysis, one must wonder why Scripture is so silent on offering "reproductive choice" in any form other than "be fruitful and multiply." Seems more like a yes/no test to me.
That's not to argue in favor of or against all forms of contraception at this juncture, but if we are to so selectively use omissions in the Bible to create moral positions, we'd be much safer to err on the other side. In other words, rather than saying, "If Scripture doesn't discuss this, it must be good," we would be wiser to say, "If Scripture doesn't discuss this, it must be wicked." Neither of these are adequately discerning of God's revelation, of course, but it's quite an arrogant proposition to suggest that He approves of abortion (or homosexuality) because He didn't condemn it by name.
Yet the words of the Bible, not to mention our own hearts, explain in a thousand ways why abortion contradicts the natural and moral order that God has established.
--- Tuesday, August 01, 2006
The Evangelical Right Away
Sunday's New York Times featured a somewhat controversial pastor in Minnesota who has apparently divided his congregation by failing to take a stand on conservative policy issues.
Like most pastors who lead thriving evangelical megachurches, the Rev. Gregory A. Boyd was asked frequently to give his blessing -- and the church's -- to conservative political candidates and causes.
The requests came from church members and visitors alike: Would he please announce a rally against gay marriage during services? Would he introduce a politician from the pulpit? Could members set up a table in the lobby promoting their anti-abortion work? Would the church distribute "voters' guides" that all but endorsed Republican candidates? And with the country at war, please couldn't the church hang an American flag in the sanctuary?
After refusing each time, Mr. Boyd finally became fed up, he said. Before the last presidential election, he preached six sermons called "The Cross and the Sword" in which he said the church should steer clear of politics, give up moralizing on sexual issues, stop claiming the United States as a "Christian nation" and stop glorifying American military campaigns. While I don't know a lot about Dr. Boyd, and less about his church, he doesn't seem to quite epitomize a "right-wing Christian." And it seems fairly obvious that the New York Times is offering disproportionate coverage to a story that happens to paint division among conservative evangelicals. Chuck Colson sees the same:
The article paints him in heroic terms, willing to stand against the tide. It quotes other Christian leaders who support him, but none of those who might give the other point of view. It seems if you want to get into the New York Times these days, all you've got to do is bash conservative evangelicals. If Dr. Boyd's plea is truly heeded by large numbers in the evangelical church, it is hard to see the results being positive. Certainly, Christians must keep the dealings of the world in proper perspective, seeking to serve God above country. But that by no means they should steer clear of either defending the nation or seeking her moral purity.
Carter Declares Peace on Hezbollah
In an op-ed in the Washington Post, former president Jimmy Carter outlines an implausible "peace plan" for Israel that falls apart under the weight of its surely well-meaning intentions.
It is inarguable that Israel has a right to defend itself against attacks on its citizens, but it is inhumane and counterproductive to punish civilian populations in the illogical hope that somehow they will blame Hamas and Hezbollah for provoking the devastating response. The result instead has been that broad Arab and worldwide support has been rallied for these groups, while condemnation of both Israel and the United States has intensified.
Israel belatedly announced, but did not carry out, a two-day cessation in bombing Lebanon, responding to the global condemnation of an air attack on the Lebanese village of Qana, where 57 civilians were killed this past weekend and where 106 died from the same cause 10 years ago. As before there were expressions of "deep regret," a promise of "immediate investigation" and the explanation that dropped leaflets had warned families in the region to leave their homes. The urgent need in Lebanon is that Israeli attacks stop, the nation's regular military forces control the southern region, Hezbollah cease as a separate fighting force, and future attacks against Israel be prevented. Israel should withdraw from all Lebanese territory, including Shebaa Farms, and release the Lebanese prisoners. Yet yesterday, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert rejected a cease-fire. Like, no doubt, most of the world's leaders and media, Carter offers little acknowledgement of the reasons that presumably innocent Lebanese citizens are caught in the path of the Israeli storm. As has long been the case, Hezbollah and its allies entrench themselves among civilians, either to exploit the compassion of their enemies and avoid attack or to exploit the "disproportionate" response if the attack comes anyway. The result for Israel is a moral dilemma that requires killing innocents along with the terrorists, or refusing to engage, thus allowing terror to continue.
The problem is that Hezbollah has no such dilemma -- if innocent Israelis die, they're infidels; if innocent Muslims die, they're martyrs. How should Israel respond in the face of such a callous disregard for human lives? There are no easy answers, but another one-sided ceasefire does not make sense.

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